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Full text of "The Scottish friend of Frederic the Great, the last Earl Marischall"

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"He was called the King's Friend, and was the only one who had 
deserved that title, for he always stood high in his favour without 
flattering him." DUTENS. 

With a photogravure frontispiece and 16 other illustrations 
in half-tone 







V. I 

Published in 1915 





55 B.C. TO 1710 1 

1686 TO 1712 11 

1712 17 

1712 TO 1715 .24 



FEBRUARY TO MAY 1716 ... 56 



1716 64 

AUTUMN 1716 TO JANUAEY 1719 . 76 

JANUARY TO APRIL 1719 . . 86 

MARCH TO MAY 1719 95 

MAY TO JULY 1719 105 

JUNE 9ra, 1719 118 

JUNE 1719 TO 1720 125 

1720 TO 1727 . 134 




1727 TO 1732 144 

1732 TO JULY 1737 163 

JULY 1737 TO 1743 185 

1743 TO JUNE 1745 197 

JUNE 1745 TO 1748 215 

1748 TO JULY 1751 . . . . . 232 

AUGUST 1751 TO MAEOH 1753 .... 245 

1752 TO SPRING 1753 262 

1753 270 


JUNE 1753 TO MARCH 1754 . . . 279 


FEBRUARY TO JULY 1754 . 292 

A.D. 1 TO 1754 301 




OP SCOTLAND ....... Frontispiece 

By J. B. St. Loo. From a portrait at Keith Hall in the possession of the Earl of 





Prom a portrait in the possession of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, photographed by 
Emery Walker, Ltd. 



Prom the collection of A. M. Broadley. 


Prom the collection of A. M. Broadley. 


Prom the collection of A. M. Broadley. 


Made by John Ross. Prom an engraving in the possession of Colonel Stewart- 
Mackenzie of Seaforth, at Braham Castle. 


By Belle. The property of Marischal College, Aberdeen. 


Prom the collection of A. M. Broadley. 
I 6 ix 



From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 


From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 


OLD PARIS ......... 260 

From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 


From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 


From a portrait by Placido Costanzi, in the National Portrait Gallery. From a 
photograph by Emery Walker, Ltd. 


55 B.C. TO 1710 

THE story of the Keiths comes down a thousand years. 
Legend carries it back to the dim days when Ger- 
manicus Caesar drove the tribe of the Catti from Thurin- 
gia and the Rhenish provinces to Holland. Thence 
they took ship across the northern sea, settling in 
Caithness, to which they gave its name. Ousting the 
natives in feud and warfare, they spread down that 
side of Scotland, forming one family under one chief. 
Later the name was changed into Clan Chattan, which 
again, through various modifications, became Keth or 

The Keith coat of arms is said to date from 1010. 
At the victory at Aberleman, in Angus, of King Mal- 
colm II over the Danes, Robert, the chief of the Keith 
clan, distinguished himself by slaying the Danish 
leader Camus with his own hands. The grateful 
Malcolm, dipping his fingers in the Norseman's blood, 
drew three strokes, or pales, down the shield of the 
valiant Keith ; moreover, because Robert had declared 
before the battle that God would grant them the victory 
over the barbarians who had razed his house, the 
king bestowed upon him, as his motto, Veritas vincit 
" Truth conquers/' 
I 1 


Another version of the legend of the origin of the 
Keith coat of arms is that one of the Danes, disputing 
that Camus had fallen, was challenged and slain in 
single combat by Robert the chief of the Catti. On 
which King Malcolm, dipping his fingers in the dead 
Dane's blood, and drawing three strokes on the victor's 
shield, ejaculated that Truth had prevailed. 

Robert Keith was knighted by the King and created 
Grand Marischall of Scotland. He took his surname from 
the barony of Keith in Midlothian, bestowed upon him 
by the king, and married a Fraser, of the Frasers of 
Tweeddale. From him the race of Keiths undoubtedly 

" Later we find a Sir Robert Keith high in the confidence of 
King Edward I of England, and keeping his allegiance to him after 
Bruce was crowned King of Scotland. But he eventually veered 
round to his national sovereign, and, by a well-timed charge of horse, 
which, in virtue of his office of Grand Marischall, he commanded 
at Bannockburn, materially contributed to that victory." 

Then Bruce, with a wisdom, prudence, and policy 
characteristic of him, rewarded Keith by lands in the 
lowlands of Aberdeenshire, known as Buchan, and which 
had belonged to the King's enemy, the Red Comyn. 
He also gave him Hall Forest, built by the Bruce him- 
self as a fortified hunting-seat, a plain, oblong building 
still standing near the town of Kintore, one of the few 
remaining fourteenth-century keeps in the north. 

By this means 

" A family, with its friends, retainers, and vassals, all well disposed 
towards the king, was planted in a part of the country which had 
long been hostile to him, and, by their intermarriages with the 
inhabitants, finally removed any bad feelings which may have 
existed towards him, and, in time, formed a people attached to the 
crown, the liberties, and the laws of the kingdom." 


By marriage with a co-heiress of Sir Alexander 
Fraser, Chamberlain of Scotland, Brace's brother-in- 
law, the Keiths further acquired great estates in Kin- 

The family distinguished itself in the Wars of Inde- 
pendence at Roslyn and Red Harlow, where a Keith 
commanded the Royal Horse, and the dignity of Grand 
Marischall of Scotland became hereditary from the time 
of Bruce downwards. Bishop Robert Keith, who wrote 
on the family history, makes out, however, that the 
office of Grand, or Earl Marischall was borne by several 
people at one time. In the reign of William the Lion 
there were two or more holders of the title at one time ; 
" two were brethren." From David I to the death of 
Alexander III, one hundred and sixty years, no less 
than twenty-five persons bore the title. 

Among the slain who lay around their fallen King 
on Flodden Field was the eldest son of the third Earl 
Marischall. His swallow-tailed white banner, with 
crest and motto, was one of the only two borne from 
that disastrous defeat. Now, cream-coloured with age, 
it hangs in the Advocate's Library at Edinburgh, to 
which it was bequeathed by the descendant of the 
hereditary standard-bearer of the Keiths. 

William Keith was one of the heroic defenders of 
Stirling Castle. 

To their possessions the family added lands in 
Ackergill, in Caithness, and in the Lothians, where the 
names of the parish of Keith Hundeby, now Humbie, 
near Dalkeith, and Keith Marischall remain to this day. 

In 1358, in the reign of David I, Sir William, or 
Hervens, the fourth Grand Marischall, son of Warin de 
Keith, was ennobled as Earl Marischall and Baron 
Keith. He acquired from Lord Lindsay of Byres, in 
exchange for Fifeshire property, the rock of Dunottar, 


off the coast of Kincardine, near Stonehaven, four acres 
in extent, and 160 feet above the sea. On this pre- 
cipitous peninsula, practically unscaleable on every 
side, Earl William built a great castle. To this day the 
ruins of Dunottar represent the epitome of domestic 
and castellated architecture from the fifteenth to the 
eighteenth century. Its earliest record is from the end 
of the thirteenth century, when the rock was occupied 
by the parish church. At the time Sir William erected 
his keep he was excommunicated for building upon 
consecrated ground, the site of St. Ninian's cell. The 
matter was referred to Benedict XIII, who, by a Bull 
of July 13th, 1394, removed the interdict upon the 
understanding that Sir William rebuilt the church in a 
more central position. 

The only approach to the castle is a very steep path 
which winds up the rock from the level beach, and is 
commanded by a spur crowned with an outwork known 
as the Fiddlehead. The barbican fills up the one cleft 
in the rock by which entrance is possible. From the 
arched gateway, with portcullis, commanded by Ben- 
holme's lodgings, are steps flanked by a guardroom 50 
feet high, much loopholed, and, with its sally-ports, 
scooped out of the solid rock. These steps, and two 
tunnels, lead on to the open platform of the rock. The 
approach was simply impregnable. 

On the south side of the rock rises the L-shaped 
keep, 150 feet high. At first Sir William lived in his 
keep, but later built the range of buildings on the north 
side, which included a ballroom, library, hall, or 
dining-room, and drawing-room, all on the first floor, 
because the keep had become too small for a more 
luxurious and expansive age. The chapel, rarely found 
in buildings of the period, adjoins this seventeenth- 
century mansion, which is built round a courtyard. On 


the north-east of the quadrangle a suite of private rooms 
was added later, probably by Earl Marischall George 

Sir William was called " William of the Tower/' be- 
cause he lived in such solitary grandeur at Dunottar. 

" By marriage with his kinswoman, the co-heiress of Inverugie, 
he nearly doubled the family domains, which now included lands in 
seven shires Haddington, Linlithgow, Kincardine, Aberdeen, Banff, 
Elgin, and Caithness. He was reputed the wealthiest peer in Scot- 
land, having a rental of 27,000 marks a year, and being able, it was 
boasted, to travel from the Tweed to the Pentland Frith, eating 
every meal, and sleeping every night, on his own lands." 

The rental of the Keith estates was 1,400, equal 
now to 100,000. 

Earl William fought at Pinkie, and went to France 
with Queen Mary. Here he imbibed reformed principles, 
and was mainly instrumental in causing the Confession 
of Faith, when presented to Parliament, "to be ap- 
proved of and authorized, and the Reformation settled." 
His estates suffered from the Anti-covenanters, who 
burnt the house and barns near the castle. 

Sir William kept almost royal state at Dunottar, 
entertaining Queen Mary there. He had acquired 
refined tastes at the Court of France, and the " King's 
Room " and the " Earl's Room " were beautifully 

In 1593- 

" The disturbances caused by the Spanish plot, and when some 
of the nobility, even, were in arms, he acted so judiciously, and 
with such firmness, that he entirely suppressed the threatened 
insurrection without shedding a drop of blood, and gained for himself 
much praise both from the King and the people. In all the great 
actions of the time his name appears, and, as the highest mark of 
honour which he could confer upon him, James clothed him with 
royal authority, and made him Commissioner to the Scottish Par- 
liament in the year 1607. 


" But, by his magnificent living, and the vast charges he had 
been at in public life, he had drawn his estates into considerable 
burden. When he began to reflect upon this he was galled that 
an ancient family (the Keiths were connected with all the Scotch 
noble families) and great fortune, should suffer any decay in his 
person, and therefore confined himself to his castle of Dunottar till 
his debts were paid, where he continued for the space of seventeen 
years and some months, and so improved his fortune that it exceeded 
any possessed by a Scots subject. . . . He died at Dunottar, and 
was buried at St. Bredo, where his Latin epitaph, detailing his 
glorious life, may still be seen." 

The recluse was succeeded by his travelled and 
learned grandson, George, the fifth Earl Marischall, who 
had studied several years at universities abroad, and 
visited most of the Courts of Europe. He had been a 
pupil of Beza, the Calvinist Reformer, at Geneva, was 
a good linguist, and had studied the politics of various 
countries. By the Landgrave of Hesse, the chief of 
the Catti, he had been kindly received, as a descendant 
of that tribe. In high favour with James VI, whom 
he entertained at Dunottar, he was chosen by his royal 
master to go to Denmark and stand proxy for him to 
his bride, Anne, and bring her to Scotland. Appointed 
by the King Lieutenant of the North, " he behaved to 
the great admiration of the Danes and the glory of the 
Scottish Nation/' On his return he received the 
thanks of the King and the country ; but the expedition 
made a great hole in his fortune. 

It is said that the timber for the roof still existing 
at Keith House, one of Earl Marischall's seats, in Had- 
dingtonshire, was given as a present by the King of 
Denmark to Earl George, who probably built the house. 

Interested in the reformation and cultivation of the 
country, he granted a charter to Peterhead, hoping 
that it would turn into a flourishing port of trade with 
the Continent. To advance the cause of learning, he 


founded, in 1593, the Marischall College at Aberdeen 
and endowed it with the privileges of a university, 
and out of his own income bestowed a sum sufficient 
for the maintenance of a Principal and three Professors. 
On the gateway he proudly sculptured the motto : 
" They haf said : What say they : Let them say." 

Dunottar Castle in the seventeenth century was like 
a village. To the range of buildings round the quad- 
rangle Earl George had added a suite of private apart- 
ments looking out to sea. Below them, hewn out of 
solid rocks, was the dungeon, where Covenanters, Anti- 
covenanters, the Earl's prisoners, and malefactors from 
Aberdeen were immured. It came to be known as the 
Whig Vault, 58 feet by 15 ; for here, all one summer, 
lay and languished a hundred and ten souls, men, women, 
and children, and torture was not unknown. In a small 
wine-cellar to the east, forty- two Covenanters were 
imprisoned. On the stone mantelpiece in the bed- 
room and boudoir above are carved the monograms of 
Earl Marischall William, who died in 1650 and his wife, 
Elizabeth, a daughter of the Earl of Winton. He 
entertained Charles II at Dunottar, and at the Restora- 
tion was made Lord Privy Seal. 

In the buildings round the old keep were the huge 
kitchens, with twenty ranges, enormously wide, and 
with gallows on which as many as eight or nine pots 
or pans could hang. For fuel, the tenants were forced 
to draw large stacks of peat from the moors of Cowrie, 
or coals from Stonehaven. The Earl Marischall had 
a storehouse on Stonehaven Quay, burnt subsequently 
by Montrose, where wine from France was unshipped 
and brought by boat to the castle. 

There were blacksmiths' and armourers 3 forges, nor 
was the defence of the castle forgotten. In the inven- 
tory of 1612 there were more " artalzerie " in Dunottar 


than in the castles of Edinburgh or Stirling. They 
included the famous "Muckle Meg and her seven sisters," 
who were sometimes dragged about when the Earl 
Marischall went to war. Dunottar bade defiance to 
Montrose, and held out longer against Cromwell than 
any other fortress in Scotland. It was blockaded by 
General Lambert, and forced to surrender ; but the 
garrison marched out with drums beating and colours 
flying. Some iron guns and four mortars were allowed 
to remain, but the parliamentary troops removed 
twenty- one brass cannon. The besiegers had hoped 
to capture the Scottish regalia, which at the beginning 
of the civil wars had been sent to Dunottar for safety. 
But the loyal wife of the Minister of Kenneff his name 
is worth being handed down the Reverend James 
Grainger had removed the insignia and hidden them 
under the pavement of the parish church. 

When Charles II came to Scotland to be crowned 
he was the guest of the Earl Marischall at Dunottar, 
and paid another visit there in 1651. 

The huge castle and its crowd of inhabitants needed 
some provisioning, for we learn that in 1700, in addi- 
tion to rent in coin, the Earl MarischalTs tenants had 
to send in to Dunottar, Fetteresso, and Garvock, two of 
his other seats, "491 firlots of beer, 816 bolls of meal, 
33 bolls of corn and fodder, nearly 1,000 hens, 10 stone 
of butter, 260 capons, 1,200 eggs, and 9 swine. " An 
elaborate arrangement brought water from St. Ninian's 
Well, on the highway to Stonehaven, by pipes to the 
castle gate and into a reservoir in the quadrangle. 

The sixth Earl Marischall was succeeded in 1625 by 
his eldest son ; and his third son was created Earl of 
Kintore, and separate estates in that district were 
bestowed upon him. A century and a half later that 
line of Keiths died out, and the Kintore estates de- 


volved on him who was to be the last of the Earls 

The ninth Earl Marischall, William, who succeeded 
in 1698, was his father, " a man so generous and liberal, 
and so magnificent in his way of living, that he con- 
siderably impaired his fortune." 

A contemporary writer says of him, that he 

" Always opposed the measures of King William's reign. He 
is very wild, inconstant, passionate, does everything by fits and 
starts, hath abundance of flashy wit, and by reason of his quality 
hath good interests in the country ; all endeavour to have him on 
their side, for he gives himself liberty of talking when he is not 
pleased with the Government. He is a thorough libertine, yet sets 
up mightily for episcopacy ; a hard drinker, and thin body ; am- 
bitious of popularity ; forty-five years old." 

Lockhart of Carnwath speaks of his " great audacity 
of wit, undaunted courage, a soul capable of great 
things . . . but no seriousness." 

Earl William zealously opposed the Union, inditing 
the following spirited protest against it : 

" I do hereby protest that whatever is contained in any article 
of the Treaty of Union between Scotland and England shall in no 
manner derogate from, or be prejudicial to, me or my successors in 
our heritable office of Great Marischall of Scotland in all time coming, 
or in full and free enjoyment and exercise of the whole rights, dig- 
nities, titles, honours, powers, and privileges thereto belonging, 
which my ancestors and I have possessed and exercised as rights 
of property there seven hundred years : And I do further protest 
that the Parliament of Scotland, and Constitution thereof, may 
remain and continue as formerly : And I desire this my Protestation 
may be inserted in the minutes, and recorded in the books of Parlia- 
ment and thereupon taken instruments." 

Earl William voted against the Union. On the con- 
clusion of that Treaty, he, as heritable Keeper of the 
Eegalia of Scotland, ordered the same to be given up 


to the Earl of Glasgow, Deputy Treasurer, and lodged 
in Edinburgh Castle. But he protested that this 
should not invalidate the Earls Marischairs rights as 
Keepers of the Regalia both in Scotland and in Eng- 
land ; and that it should never be removed without his 
authority. In 1710 he was elected one of the sixteen 
representatives of the Scottish Peerage in the Parlia- 
ment of the United Kingdom. 


1686 TO 1712 

WILLIAM, LORD KEITH, ninth Earl Marischall of Scot- 
land, married Lady Mary Drummond, the fifteen-year- 
old daughter of James, fourth Earl of Perth, a zealous 
Jacobite, and a Roman Catholic. Of this marriage were 
born two sons, George, afterwards tenth and last Earl 
Marischall, and James Francis Edward named after 
the son of the exiled monarch and two daughters, 
Mary, who married the Earl of Wigton, and Anne, who 
married the Earl of Galloway, and died young, as did 
her children. 

George Keith was probably born at Inverugie Castle, 
which had come into the possession of the Keith family 
in the late fourteenth century by the marriage of John 
de Keith, who added to it. Oblong, four stories high, 
and with two round towers, it stands two miles from 
Peterhead on the high northern bank of the River 
Urgie. The main portion of the castle was added in 
the end of the sixteenth century by the Earl founder 
of Marischall College and his grandson William, whose 
monogram, intertwined with that of his wife, was, till 
recently, to be seen carved over the huge fireplace in 
the hall. 

There is a little divergence of opinion as to the date 
of the birth of George Keith. He himself, even when 

between eighty and ninety, a decade in which most 



old people glory in their great age, would never divulge 
it. But, according to the best authorities, he was born 
on April 2nd, O.S., 1686. 

It was a year of distress to his mother, for it saw 
the exile of his father, the Earl of Perth, Lord High 
Chancellor of Scotland under Charles II and James II, 
in whose reign he had joined the Church of Rome. 

Perth, writes a contemporary, " was passionately 
proud, told a story very prettily, was of middle stature, 
with a quick look and brown complexion " ; some of 
which characteristics, mental as well as physical, we 
discern in his grandsons. He married, firstly, the 
daughter of the Marquis of Douglas, who became the 
mother of the Countess Marischall, and his second wife 
was another Drummond, the widow of the Earl of 

The year before the Revolution the Earl of Perth 
had resigned his title, estates, and heritable offices to 
his son. When James II abdicated the Earl escaped 
from Edinburgh, and his lodgings were plundered by 
the mob. Attempting to embark for France at Burntis- 
land, on the Forth, he was pursued and caught by a 
long-boat full of armed men, who imprisoned him in 
the common gaol of Kirkcaldy after having stripped 
and robbed him. Hence he was removed to Stirling 
Castle, where he lay for five long years, till liberated 
by a Privy Council Warrant soon after his grandson's 
birth, on condition that he quitted the country. For 
two years the Earl lived at Rome, and then James 
sent for him at St. Germains, created him Duke of 
Perth, gave him the Garter, and appointed him First 
Lord of the Bedchamber to the Queen, and Governor 
to the Prince of Wales. 

What wonder that, with such troubles overshadow- 
ing their early years, his grandsons sacrificed all for 


1. 12] 


their exiled Kings, and that the memory of his daughter 
has chiefly come down to us through the Jacobite 
ballads she wrote, notably " Lady Keith's Lament," 
with its wistful refrain : 

" And I'll be Lady Keith again, 
The Day the King comes o'er the water." 

Her two sons grew up at Inverugie, braw Scots 
laddies, fond of outdoor life and sport a rock is still 
pointed out at the mouth of the little Urgie whence they 
used to cast their fishing-lines when the tide was full 
and of mischief, too. But it was the younger brother 
who mostly got into scrapes, and the elder, kind-hearted, 
gentle in disposition, and with the appealing brown 
eyes, who used to beg him ofL Great was the attach- 
ment between them, opposite in character though they 
were, a love which never faltered, through exile, poverty, 
and inevitable separation ; pathetic, indeed, it is to 
see the efforts they made to meet whenever the troublous 
times, the stress of circumstances in their very varied 
careers, made it possible. 

But the Earl MarischalFs sons were by no means 
allowed to run wild as regarded education. After the 
fashion of the period, they were brought up copiously 
on the classics. Latin remained to them all their lives 
more familiar than any of the foreign tongues which 
their fates forced them to assimilate. 

Their first tutor was one William Meston 

" An admirable Greek and Latin scholar, and a good though 
irregular Latin poet, chiefly on satirical and political themes. He 
had a fine convivial talent, and told a story admirably well. Poor 
Meston fell in some measure a victim to politics. Having been 
preceptor to the Earl Marischall, he was made regent (professor) of 
philosophy at Marischall College, Aberdeen ; but, after the delivery 


of his first course, he engaged in the rebellion, and was for some 
time Governor of Dunottar Castle. When the rising was quelled 
Meston was among ' those regents who were turned out of their 
posts to make room for Presbyterian professors, adherents of the 
House of Hanover.'" 

The tutor who succeeded Meston was the distant 
cousin of the Keith brothers, Robert Keith of Uras. 
Descended from the third Earl Marischall, he was 
educated at Marischall College, Aberdeen, and remained 
with the Keiths till he took Holy Orders in 1710. 
Consecrated Bishop in 1727, with the charge of the 
dioceses of Caithness, Orkney, and Fife, he was one of 
the most learned and eminent of the nonjuring clergy 
between 1720 and 1745, and an ecclesiastical historian. 
The pillar of the Church during a troubled period, he 
was greatly respected for his learning and his personal 

Seven years were George and James Keith under the 
tuition and the good influence of this excellent man 
years which had much to do with the early moulding 
of their fine characters. Then they were both sent 
to Marischall College at Aberdeen University, founded 
by their great-grandfather. 

From college George Keith entered the army. Lads 
grew up quickly in those stirring times and, at an age 
when the horizon of modern Eton boys is bounded by 
the playing-fields, he found himself an officer in the 
Guards under Marlborough on that perpetual battle- 
ground of Europe, the Netherlands. In the field he 
distinguished himself, yet, such was his characteristic 
and invincible modesty, that in after-years he could 
never be induced to enlarge on the part he had played 
during his two years in the service of Great Britain. 
After his death a friend applied to him Ariosto's 
lines : 


" Par che Orlando a far 1'opere virtuose, 
Piu ch'a narrate, sempre era pronto, 
Ne mai fu alcun de' suoi fatti espresso 
Se non quando ebbe si testimoni appresso." 

He had joined the regiment of Scots Grenadier Guards 
at Edinburgh, one of the regiments of Life Guards, 
which had been ordered north in the Jacobite scare. 
In 1709 they were brought south again, and quartered 
at Kingston-on-Thames, being clothed like the English 
Life Guards, and were reviewed by Ormonde. They 
took their regular turn of duty at the capital, and were 
commanded by the Earl of Crawford. At Edinburgh 
young Keith was the hero of a mess-room brawl, in 
which the " Earl of Errol threw a bottle at the Earl of 
MarischalFs head and dangerously wounded him." 

During the Sacheverel riots the Horse Grenadier 
Guards, as the Scots Horse Guards were now called, 
protected the Bank of England from the rioters. 

Though held in readiness, the regiment, or troop, 
did not form part of Marlborough's army in Flanders. 
This great captain was carrying all before him, and the 
glamour of a spell with his victorious host lured the 
noble youth of the period, much as half a century later 
the " grand tour " on the Continent enticed their de- 
scendants. Many officers of the Life Guards exchanged 
in order to take part in the campaign, and George 
Keith was among the number. He served with much 
distinction, and, when Marlborough was replaced by 
Ormonde, was appointed, young though he was, to be 
his senior Brigadier with the rank of Lieutenant-General. 
Between the veteran Irish statesman and commander 
and the young Scottish soldier thus began a close 
friendship which lasted till the Duke's death. 

In 1712 his father died, and George Keith found 
himself Earl Marischall of Scotland. He took his 


Master of Arts degree at Aberdeen University, and 
became Chancellor of Marischall College. 

When Ormonde's bloodless campaign came to an 
end, and his army returned to England, the Earl 
Marischall, upon the death of the Earl of Crawford, was 
appointed by Queen Anne to the Colonelcy of the 
Second Scots Troop of Horse Grenadier Guards. 


THE young Earl Marischall took advantage of the peace 
concluded at Utrecht to pay a visit to the Mecca of 
the high-born of the day, the centre of pleasure and of 
good society Paris. 

But Le Roi Soleil was setting in clouds. The country 
was exhausted by long wars ; the glorious days of 
Versailles were over. The aged Louis, ruled by his 
confessor, spent his time between the chapel and the 
austere Maintenon's apartment. 

All the amusement of French high society was to be 
found in the entourage of the Princes and Princesses of 
the Blood. There was a rage for gambling, and society 
was vicious in the extreme. 

Ormonde was in correspondence with the Chevalier 
de St. Georges, and with the Queen-mother at St. 
Germains. For the hopes of the Tories that Anne 
might name her brother as her successor ran high. 
But, by the Treaty of Utrecht, James had been com- 
pelled to leave Paris, and had taken up his residence 
at the Court of the Duke of Lorraine at Bar-le-Duc. 

There seems some reason to believe that the Earl 
MarischalFs trip to Paris was not entirely for pleasure, 
but somewhat connected with politics. He would 
naturally, at Paris, gravitate to the circle of Scotch and 
Irish exiled noblemen who lived at St. Germains. One 
of the ladies-in-waiting to the Queen Maria Beatrice 
was Viscountess Clare, sister of the Duchess of Berwick, 


who had accompanied her mistress in her flight to 
France. Lord Clare was an Irish peer of old lineage. 
One of his daughters, Laura, had married into the 
ancient Breteuil family, the Marquis de Breteuil- Sainte- 

Mother and daughter had a fine apartment in the 
Chateau-Neuf at St. Germains, a pied-a-terre on the 
ground-floor of the great hotel of the Breteuil family 
which looked into the Tuileries gardens. Here the 
family lived in patriarchal fashion, each scion in a 
different set of apartments on different floors. The 
Earl Marischall, through the Clares, had the entree of 
the Hotel Breteuil. A love-story which ensued is so 
charming that it must not be omitted, even if apo- 

Controversy has raged over the " Memoirs of the 
Marquise de Crequy," which had much vogue some 
forty years later. Some critics have believed them to 
be genuine, while others, Sainte-Beuve, for instance, 
show that historically, or chronologically, these amusing 
volumes, full of anecdotes and gossip of the great world 
of the day, could not have been written by the real 
Victoire de Froulay, who married the Marquis de 
Crequy. He considers them edited, in the very fullest 
sense of the word, by that eminent plagiarist, de Cour- 
champs. Had Madame de Crequy lived through all 
she chronicles she must long have passed the allotted 
span. Another theory is that the Memoirs were in- 
deed her own, but were continued and added to by 
another hand. 

The story of the passion of the Earl Marischall for 
Victoire de Froulay may therefore be entirely fiction ; 
but may it not be fiction founded on fact ? If she was 
too young at the time to be the heroine, may not her 
name stand for that of another whose identity is now 


buried in mystery and oblivion ? If George Keith was 
as attractive as we see him in his beautiful portrait 
painted about this period by Pierre Parrocel, he could 
hardly have passed through the gaieties of Paris fancy- 
free, or without breaking hearts himself. 

Further, the tale throws light upon the personality 
of the Earl as he was known at this time, gives, in fact, 
a picture of him as his intimates saw him, and one diffi- 
cult for even a de Courchamps to reproduce at second- 

One gloomy November afternoon he met, at the 
Hotel Breteuil, a charming little ray of sunshine in the 
person of the Baronne de Breteuil- Preuilly's niece. 
Victoire de Froulay had been sent from her convent 
in far-away Brittany to spend the winter with her father 
in Paris. As her grandmother, the Marquise de Frou- 
lay, "spent her life on the road between Paris and 
Versailles/' M. de Froulay determined to confide his 
motherless daughter to the care of her aunt, the 
Baronne de Breteuil, and to the companionship of the 
latter's daughter, afterwards the Marquise du Chatelet, 
and the " divine Emilie " of Voltaire and Saint- Lambert. 

" Milord-Marechal," the Marquise writes, as a grandmother for 
her grandson, " why should I say nothing to you about Milord- 
Marechal, as every one who will tell you about the love with which 
he inspired me, will be obliged to agree that we were always perfectly 
correct in our attitude towards each other ? Milord-Marechal I shall 
never write that name without emotion he was, when I met him at 
my uncle's, a fine Scotchman of twenty-four, emotional, sympathetic, 
and steady. He had come from England on a mission from the 
English Jacobites to the exiles, and it was at the Hotel Breteuil 
that he had political interviews with the Dukes of Perth and Melfort, 
his uncles. Everything that transpired from their meetings below 
to us upon the first floor interested us extremely, with the exception 
of Mde. du Chatelet. She took the side of the Duke of Hanover, 
without being able to give any good reason for so doing, which was 


quite understood and a natural consequence of her bon esprit. I 
have always thought that the desire to attract the attention of 
Milord George Keith, and, further, the wish to stir him up, as she 
said childishly, had much to do with her advocacy in favour of the 
House of Hanover ; but the Marischall of Scotland let her talk with 
all the greater sang-froid because he never listened to her, and it 
was La belle Emilie who ended in being stirred up." 

In one of his incognito journeys, the Chevalier de St. 
Georges once spent a night at the Hotel Breteuil, and 
a long council lasted half the night. He afterwards 
sent, by Milord Marechal, the rare and curious present 
to Mile. Victoire de Froulay, of a rose-noble. These 
coins, which date back to the Plantagenets, are said to 
be philosopher's gold, pure as that of Ophir. 

" My Rose-Noble made the mouth water of my relation, 
Mde. d'Urfe, the most opinionated of alchemists and the most 
determined blow-pipe blower of her times. She had egged on the 
Comtesse du Breteuil to induce me to change my piece of philoso- 
pher's gold for a relic casket beautifully set with jewels, as could 
easily be seen, and containing, she said, a precious collection of the 
holiest and most authentic relics, which I obstinately continued to 
doubt. As it was a question of melting my coin in a crucible, in 
order to bring about the great work, I found myself, in the end, 
the victim of a general persecution ; only my grandmother declined 
to know the truth about the philosopher's stone. I grew weary, I 
yielded ; and this is the result of our experiments, at which M. van 
Nyvelt, the chemist, presided. 

" In melting down my Rose-Noble we found only a twentieth 
part of gold, a quarter of mercury, a scruple of iron, another quarter 
of brass, an eighth of tin, a mixture of salts of neutral basis, Van 
Nyvelt told us, which crystallized in pentagonal prisms, to the 
great delight of the Marquise d'Urfe. ' She's a lost soul ! ' my aunt 
the Baronne said to us. * Her head is turned with it ; all her fortune 
will go up the blow-pipe ! ' This is exactly what happened, thanks 
to the munificence of the Chevalier de St. Georges, and especially 
thanks to the greediness of the Chevalier Casanova. 

" Milord Marechal then told us that the Stuarts had carried off 
with them, not only all their collection of Rose-Nobles, which filled 


a casket as large as a wind-organ which lay before us, but also all 
the regalia of the British monarchy, with the principal jewels of the 
three crowns. He added that the Kings of England had always 
carefully and scrupulously kept these sort of coins, and that there 
were not more than three of them in all the collections in Europe, 
including the Rose-Noble of the Czarina, for which she had given 
25,000 francs. 

" I learnt from Mr. Walpole, a long time later, that, with the 
exception of some vases and utensils of the sixteenth century, none 
of the pretended insignia of the Crown of England, which are shown 
at the Tower of London, is anterior to the rats of Hanover, and that 
all those diadems and jewels of the Edwards and the Richards are 
evidently counterfeit. Walpole told me, moreover, that no one could 
conceive English ignorance and boastfulness, and that the keeper 
of these false jewels, who shows them by the light of a lamp, through 
iron bars, is always careful to tell you, as he points them out : ' Un- 
equalled article ! in purest gold, eight hundred years old ! ' 
" But to return to Milord Marechal. 

" If you want to have an idea of his face, you can look at that 
charming portrait of le beau Caylus, favourite of Henry III, which 
you have inherited from the Constable of Lesdiguieres, and which 
is still among our pictures, in its silver-gilt frame set with amethysts. 
" The young Lord fell in love with your grandmother, who was 
then a young girl, and by no means lacking in attractions, by what 
people said of her. 

" We began by looking at each other with an uneasy surprise , 
with interest, and then with emotion. We then heard each other 
talk without being able to take upon ourselves to speak a word to 
each other, and then we dared not talk any more in the presence 
of each other because our voices trembled and then failed us. 

" In short, one day he said to me, quite irrelevantly : ' If I dared 
to love you, would you forgive me ? ' 

" ' I should be delighted ! ' I replied. ... We fell back at once 
into a deep silence, gazing at each other as often as possible, with 
an air of perfect happiness, and we went on looking at each other 
with speaking for six weeks or two months, with an ever fresh 

" My aunt thought good that he should give me some lessons in 
the Spanish language, and not in English indeed ! for no one would 
have thought of learning English in those days, no more than any 
Other language to the northward. Northern folk learn French, but 


the French never learn anything but Italian and Castillian. Quite 
naturally one takes to the south side, of good wines, of fine sun and 
prosperous climes, as well as of barbarians and conquerors. It is 
a natural and sensible tendency, in my opinion. The Marechal de 
Tesse often said that the study or science of living languages should 
be governed by the atlas, and it ought to be a question of latitude. 

" Milord George spoke Spanish and Italian quite as well as French, 
that is to say, perfectly. He used to come and sit on a camp-stool 
behind mine, for a young lady of my day never posed herself on a 
chair with a back, still less on an arm-chair. As the lessons which 
he gave me were never taken except in the large drawing-room of 
the Hotel de Breteuil, under the eyes of my aunt, and in the presence 
of twenty people, it was not reasonable of my cousin Emilie to seem 
offended ; but that was just what came about. 

" Milord George had translated for me in French, and, according 
to the English style, in blank verse, that is to say, without rhyme, 
but not without reason, as you will see, a charming quatrain which 
my father had made for him, and which I often apply to you in 
my thoughts. 

" ' Quand vos yeux, en naissant, s'ouvraient a la lumiere, 
Chacun vous souriait, mon fils, et vous pleuriez. 
Vivaz si bien, qu'un jour, a votre derniere heure, 
Chacun verse cles pleurs et qu'on vous vois sourire.' 

"One evening he told me, with much fun, the adventure of a 
rich Dutch heiress who had eloped with an English Orangeman, 
and whose parents had just advertised in the London papers that, 
if she would not return to her afflicted family, they begged her at 
least to return the key of the tea-caddy which she had taken away 
with her ! which made me laugh, and which made Mile, de Preuilly 
think that we were making fun of her, which we had no thought of 
doing. Emilie made some jealous remarks, and that decided the 
young Lord to make his offer of marriage, which was at once laid 
before my father, my grandmother, and my aunt, de Breteuil- 
Charmeaux, the coward, who began to make a great outcry because 
the Marischall of Scotland must be a Protestant ! 

" I had no idea of it ! It was such a sudden and poignant reve- 
lation for me that I cannot think of it, even to-day, without shud- 
dering and without pity for the suffering it caused me. They 
found out he was a Calvinist : he said so himself, and Heaven is 
witness that I did not feel a moment's hesitation. I refused the 


hand of Milord-Marechal, and two days later he had gone back to 
his own country, where his grief and his undertakings, inspired by 
despair, he wrote to my kind aunt, had resulted in his being con- 
demned to the scaffold. This, my dear child, is the only feeling in 
all my life which has not been for M. de Crequy, with whom, by 
the bye, I was frank enough to talk to about it quite truthfully." 

Here the curtain drops upon the scene, only to be 
lifted after many years. 

1712 TO 1715 

THE Earl Marischall, Colonel of Her Majesty's Second, 
or Scots Troop of Horse Grenadier Guards, on his re- 
turn to London, " liked and esteemed by Queen Anne/' 
became a gay young man about town. He frequented 
the Duke of Ormonde's gay Court at Richmond, and 
was a member of the Cocoa Tree Club at the bottom 
of the St. James Street. The Tories, now in power, 
had high hopes that the Queen, whose health was fail- 
ing, would name her young brother as her heir, and 
Ormonde and Bolingbroke, now about to remodel the 
army, were appointing Jacobite officers. 

But Anne died without appointing her successor, 
and, by the Act of Settlement, the crown of England 
devolved to the House of Hanover. Early on that 
August morning when the Queen's death became 
known there was a hasty consultation among the 
Tory leaders, including the Duke of Ormonde, and 
Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester. The Earl Marischall 
was present, because, though young, he represented 
Scottish feeling for the Stuarts and held a responsible 
official position in London by which he could, if he 
would, strike a blow for them. Atterbury " suggested, 
as solemn advice to the Chancellor, Lord Harcourt, the 
proclaiming of James the Third." He desired the Earl 
Marischall to go out immediately and proclaim James 



at the head of his troops, adding " that if they would 
only give him a guard he would put on his lawn sleeves 
and head the procession." The Earl, aflame with 
youthful enthusiasm, was for instant action; but 
Ormonde, more fearful of the consequences, wished first 
to communicate with the Council. 
The bellicose Bishop chafed at the delay. 

" ' Damn it ! ' he exclaimed in a great heat (for he did not value 
swearing), ' you very well know that things have not yet been con- 
certed enough for that, and that we have not a moment to lose ! ' 
Indeed, it was the only thing they could have done ; such a bold 
step would have made the people believe they were stronger than 
they really were, and might have taken strangely. The late King, 
I am persuaded, would not have stirred a foot if there had been a 
strong opposition. Indeed, the family did not expect this crown : 
at least, nobody in it but the old Princess Sophia." 

But Ormonde was no Monk. He had not sufficient 
ability to deal such a bold stroke. " Pour executer un 
" tel projet," wrote the Duke of Berwick, ,the Pre- 
tender's half-brother, who knew Ormonde well, " il 
" fallait un grand genie ; de si grands desseins ont 
" besoin d'un Heros, et c'est ce que le Due d'Ormonde 
"n'etait pas." 

The Earl Marischall missed his chance of altering 
English history. At the time of Anne's death only one 
regiment, besides the household troops, lay in London. 
It was the Whig Duke of Argyle's. What might not 
the Earl Marischall have done with his guards ! But 
for this time, and this time only, as events a few years 
later showed, he waited on weak and unready Ormonde. 

" Never," bitterly exclaimed Atterbury afterwards 
to a friend, "was a better cause lost for want of 
spirit ! " 

The story runs that the Earl Marischall, after the 
battle of Sheriffmuir, in which he had much distin- 


guished himself, wept over the many dead who might 
have lived had he taken Atterbury's advice at Anne's 

Marischall did not resign his commission at George Fs 
accession. His military duties were no sinecure. It 
was the close of a long war, and the state of the Army 
was terrible. Reduced to its lowest ebb, it numbered 
only 30,000 men. Uniforms, nay, shirts, would hardly 
hold together, even in the Guards. Insubordination 
was not uncommon. Colonel the Earl Marischall, with 
his strict sense of duty, proved himself something of a 
martinet, as the following letter he wrote to Lord Chief 
Justice Parker about a mutinous Jacobite in his regi- 
ment shows : 

" As soon as I heard that the Lord Chief Justice had given Habeas 
Corpus for Thomas Wingford, private man of Her Majesty's second 
troop, Horse Grenadier Guards, under my command, I sent a gen- 
tleman to tell your Lordship the reason for confining Wingford to 
the Marshall of the Horse Guards, not only because he had been 
guilty of uttering menacing words and insolently refusing to comply 
with regulations, but endeavoured to raise a mutiny, which, being 
crimes of dangerous consequences, I did intend to have tried by 
General Court Martial, but there being no warrant for such in the 
Horse Guards, so I ordered a Regimental Court Martial ; but they 
could not proceed because of the Habeas Corpus." 

The letter to Parker above quoted was written only 
four days before George I landed at Greenwich, and 
shows how calmly even the Jacobites had taken the 
change of dynasty. The Horse Grenadier Guards went 
down to Greenwich to attend the King's entry. But 
we must remember that Keith, if a Tory, was also a 
Protestant. James, supine at Bar-le-Duc, did not stir, 
and there was no leader in England to strike a blow 
for him. 

The next few days, however, after George reached 


England saw a change of feeling. He was perfectly 
well aware how the fire glowed beneath the embers, and 
made an instant and clean sweep of the Tory Ministry, 
replacing it by Whigs. The Duke of Ormonde received 
a hint not even to go down to Greenwich to greet the 
new King. Marlborough, who had hurried back from 
exile, replaced his rival as Commander-in-Chief. The 
army was scrutinized, and disaffected officers and men 
of the Horse Guards, on some of whom, it is said, were 
found commissions signed by the Pretender, were re- 
moved. The Earl of Mar, Secretary for Scotland, was 
dismissed, and succeeded by Montrose. Mar had 
forwarded to Hanover, upon George's accession, an 
address signed by Highland chiefs and Scotch noble- 
men, the Earl Marischall among the latter. When 
Mar came to do homage, George literally turned his 
back upon him and ordered him to resign his seals of 

There was no mistaking the way the wind was veer- 
ing ; the Earl Marischall was removed from his com- 
mand, and it was given to the Earl of Deloraine on 
June 1st, 1715. 

" I am willing to guard a king," he exclaimed, " but 
not a usurper ! " 

Irritated and angry, he left London and hurried home, 
thirsting for revenge. 

Meanwhile his young brother James, weary of work- 
ing at law at Edinburgh, and longing for court and 
camp, had set out for the south to beg for a commis- 
sion in the Army. The two brothers happened by 
chance to meet at an inn at York, one going north, the 
other coming south. George, exasperated by the 
King's drastic treatment of his party, explained to 
James how the land lay, and nipped his intentions in 
the bud. Full of discontent, the brothers returned to 


their estates and their mother in Scotland, and awaited 

Nearly a year passed. The accession of the " wee 
wee German lairdie " was accepted by the body of 
the nation, but George's want of tact had exasperated 
and mortified the Tories, whom he regarded as his 
enemies. In Scotland the Jacobites were discontented. 
The Union had never been popular over the border, and 
the return of the Stuarts meant its repeal. There was 
a toasting of " the King over the water " ; armed 
bodies roamed about the Highlands ; a little rising near 
Inverlochy was actively suppressed, and several pro- 
minent persons were imprisoned. 

The Earl Marischall, representing one of the most 
influential families of the East Coast Lowlands, was in 
correspondence with the Earl of Mar, his near neigh- 
bour in Aberdeenshire, who, despite his dismissal from 
office, still lingered in London. 

Discontent deepened in both kingdoms. The Cheva- 
lier was alive to it. Ormonde and Bolingbroke, who 
had both fled to Paris, openly espoused his cause. Pre- 
parations for a descent on Scotland were well advanced. 

Lord John Drummond, uncle of the Keiths, and son 
of the exiled Duke of Perth, arrived from France 

" With instructions from the King James," chronicles James 
Keith, " and assurances that he wou'd very soon follow. The orders 
were to lye quiet, if possible, till his arrival ; but if they found the 
affair discover'd, and the chiefs in danger of being apprehended, 
that in that case they should take arms immediately." 

The young men were swayed by passion and resent- 
ment as much as by principle. Each had thought he 
was making a sacrifice in offering to serve under George. 
All the more incensed by their rebuff, they threw them- 
selves ardently into the opposite party, and their mother, 


a zealous Roman Catholic, spurred them on. The 
sneer of Woodrow, the Covenanting historian, that, as 
the result of his life at Court in London, " Marischall 
was bankrupt," and therefore eager for any change, 
may be dismissed as without foundation. He was one 
of the largest landowners in Scotland. 

Then the spring came. The Highlanders, as we learn 
later, were always adverse to fighting in the winter, 
and now they stirred. Arms and money were provided. 
The European Roman Catholic monarchs subscribed 
largely. James must now make a move. The Earl 
Marischall wrote boldly to his King that " a sovereign 
deprived of his States must share the dangers of those 
who risked their lives for his sake," and urged him to 
" leave his retreat at Bar-le-Duc." 

The Government, alarmed, took a step. It summoned, 
by Act of Parliament, sixty-two of the great nobles, 
chieftains, and landowners to appear at Edinburgh at 
short notice under severe penalties, to give caution for 
their fidelity. The Earl MarischalFs name was among 
the highest on the list. Only two obeyed, and the 
summons drove Mar to cast the die. 

" Bobbing John," as his enemies, from the chorus 
of an old song, nicknamed him on account of " the 
suppleness of his politics, joined to the excessive cour- 
teousness of his manners," waited one morning on 
George I at his levee. On the next, disguised as a 
workman, he had embarked at Gravesend on a collier 
for the north. Landing in Scotland, he quietly 
crept through the East Coast country, rousing the 
Jacobites, reaching his castle of Kildrummie within 
forty hours. Hence he sent out an invitation to 
a great tinchel, or hunting, at Braemar, to take 
place on August 27th. The tinder caught at the 
match, yet 


" Many, indeed, thought it an ill omen, and even worse policy, to 
employ the person who had been one of the principal instruments 
in building the fabrick [the Union], and who had been so well paid 
for it, in the pulling of it down ; but the great emploiments he [Mar] 
had been in, his knowledge of the country, and the sincere marks of 
repentance he gave, made the greater number aprove the choise." 

Meanwhile the Chevalier's adherents in Paris, chiefly 
Irish, were not idle. " Here/' writes Lord Bolingbroke, 
" hope and care sate on every busy Irish face. Those 
who could read and write had letters to show, and 
those who had not arrived at this pitch of erudition had 
their secrets to whisper." James alone was inactive. 
Mar wrote that without 20,000 French regulars, landed 
in England, the English Jacobites would not rise, and 
James knew that he could not secure them. But he 
allowed the Scotch scheme to go on. It came to the 
ears of Lord Stair, British Minister at Paris. 

The Government took action. Dutch troops were 
ordered to England ; the reinforced fleet patrolled the 
Channel, all Papists were ordered out of London, the 
Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, and a price of a 
hundred thousand pounds set on the Chevalier's head. 
In Scotland several Jacobites were clapped into prison, 
and the only effect of the summons to Edinburgh was 
to drive the great men into open rebellion. 

" Were ye wi' me to chase the rae 
Out ower the hills and far away 
And saw the Lords were there that day, 
To bring the Stuarts back again," 

runs the old Jacobite song. 

Mar's tinchel took place in the heart of his wild 
mountain country, dominated by the second highest 
hill in Scotland, Ben Macdhui, still known as the Forest 


of Mar, and famous for sport since the eleventh cen- 
tury, when Malcolm of the big head built there his 
hunting-seat, the castle of Clandrochaid on the Cluny. 
But nothing was less thought of than the chase. The 
rising was agreed upon, and the hunting-party dis- 
persed, each chief to his own home, to send round the 
fiery cross. 

Almost immediately afterwards a general council was 
held at Aboyne, the Marquis of Huntley's seat hard by, 
of " twenty-six gentlemen of interest in the Highlands/' 
and of some of the most influential men in the Lowlands, 
to whom " pleasant Mar/' in a speech, announced that 
he had a war-chest of 100,000, and details were con- 

Lord John Drummond had already come to Mar 
from France, with a message from King James ordering 
that the Duke of Athol, in the first place, should be 
offered the chief direction of affairs. If the Duke 
accepted, James wished him to act in everything on the 
advice of Lord John's nephew, the Earl Marischall, 
who, though young, was a professional soldier of dis- 

This recommendation of James, it is well to note 
in view of the eventual quarrel between Mar and the 
Earl, had been the suggestion of Mar himself ; but it 
was not acted upon till the Earl joined the party at 
Aboyne, though it had been agreed upon the night 
before when Mar met Huntley, Southesk, and the 

The Duke of Athole refused to join the Jacobites. 
Mar accordingly took command, and made Marischall 
his right hand. 

" When they met at Aboin no man was more forward for what 
was agreed than the Earl Marischall, and he was by all the time 


of advising, writing out, signing the orders, then signed and given 
by Mar, and without any reluctance received the first of them 

" Did not Mar advise with him and consult him in everything, 
more than any other man in the army, and did not several people 
take exception to Mar for doing so, as distinguishing him too par- 
ticularly ? " 


From a portrait in the possession of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, 
photographed by Emery Walker, Ltd. 

I. 32] 



" The f standard on the Braes of Mar 
Is up and streaming rarely, 
The gathering pipe of Lochnagar 
Is sounding lang and sairly. 
The highland men from hill and glen 
In martial hue wi' bonnets blue, 
Wi' belted plaids and burnished blades 
Are coming late and early." 

ON September 3rd, 1715, John Erskine, thirty-ninth 
Earl of Mar, proclaimed James III at Castletown of 
Braemar. Three days later he hoisted his standard in 
the broad meadow watered by the Cluny, under the 
square keep of Braemar Castle, and girt about with 
dark forests and purple mountains. The standard, 
worked, it is said, by the Countess of Mar, was in 
colour of a vivid blue. On one side were the Scottish 
arms, on the other the Scottish thistle, with the words 
"No Union," and "Nemo me impune lacessit." Ere 
the blue folds waved in the autumn breezes, blowing 
down from Ben Morian, prayer was offered. Despite 
this precaution, however, the superstitious Highlanders 
considered it a bad omen that the gilt ball fell off the 
top of the flagstaff at the moment when the pole was 
being planted in the ground. 

A few days later Mar published a long Declaration, 
and followed it up by a manifesto to the Jacobites. 

13 33 


About this same time a clever plot arranged by his 
cousin, Lord Drummond, for surprising the scanty and 
unprepared garrison in Edinburgh Castle failed by a 
hair's-breadth. The stroke of ill-luck for the Jacobites 
alarmed the Government exceedingly, and General 
Wightman was hurried to Scotland to collect all 
available royal troops at Stirling Castle. 

James was now proclaimed at the market crosses of 
Perth, Dundee, Montrose, Brechin, and Inverness. On 
September 20th the young Earl Marischall, accom- 
panied by several gentlemen, rode into the burgh of 
Aberdeen, and, the Deputy Sheriff reading the manifesto, 
proclaimed the King at the Market Cross. 

The Granite City was quite ready. A year before, 
Mar, as Secretary of State, had occasion to stir up 
the Provost and the magistrates to make inquiries and 
institute prosecutions, because 

" Ill-disposed persons at Aberdeen did in the night time, and under 
the disguise of women's apparrell, proclaim the Pretender." Mar 
was informed in reply that " on August 10th after midnight some 
young men, attended by several women, went through the streets 
with two viollers playing to them, who played seall tunnes, one 
whereof was Lett the King enjoy his own again. And they came to 
a fountaine a little above the Cross and took water in their hatts 
and drank the pretender, King James his health ; but cannot learn 
of any proclamation." 

The city fathers were unable to make any arrests, as 
the culprits had been warned and had fled. 

A year later, just before the gatherings at Braemar, 

the Provost sent warning to the authorities that 

' Highlanders were in some motion and like to ryse." 

But such is the irony of events. It was now " Bobbing 

John " who was proclaiming the Pretender. 

Aberdeen was en fete that night of September 20th, 
1715, The cjtv was illuminated and the bells of St, 


Nicholas clashed, " while those who would not obey 
rabbled." Next day the Earl Marischall and the 
gentlemen were hospitably entertained at a banquet 
by the Incorporated Trades, and the same afternoon 
the Earl set out for his seat at Inverugie Castle. 

The Professors of both Marischall and King's College 
were Jacobites, but the magistrates were Whigs. 
Fresh from a gathering at one Mistress Hepburn's house, 
the mob broke in upon a sitting of the Council, de- 
manding the town arms and ammunition, likewise the 
key of the blockhouse at the harbour mouth. The 
Burgh was in possession of the Jacobites. 

On September 28th the Earl Marischall returned 
to town and arranged for the annual election of 
the Burgh Council, now due. Next day it was for- 
mally installed, and consisted entirely of the EarFs 
nominees, and Patrick Bannerman was elected Provost. 

The week that followed was a busy one at Aberdeen. 
The Earl of Huntley passed through with his Gordons 
to join Mar at the general rendezvous at Perth, and 
was entertained. Into the harbour came French ships ; 
they bore James's commission for the Earl Marischall, 
who also hurried off, at the head of three hundred 
horse, chiefly gentlemen of Buchan, and five hundred 
foot, to the Fair City. 

It was not till the end of September that Mar had 
considered his force sufficiently strong to allow of his 
descending into Perthshire. He seized the city, a 
stroke which gave the Jacobites control of all Scotland 
north of the Forth. The Duke of Argyle, who had 
hastened from London to take supreme command of 
the royal troops, was, as yet, inferior in numbers to 
Mar, and sat still at Stirling. 

Perth was promptly fortified with fourteen cannon, 
$mong them some of the guns from Pwottar Castle, 


sent by the Earl Marischall. The great clans came in 
from the north and west, and on October 8th the Earl 
Marischall himself arrived with his horse " not yet 
footsore " but very badly mounted on Galloway cobs 
and with five hundred foot. 

John St. Glair, " Master " of Sinclair, heir to the 
barony of that name, who, in his chronicles of the 
rising of 1715, plays the unpleasant part of a " candid 
friend/' thus accounts for Mar's selection of and dis- 
tinguishing the Earl Marischall, and the latter's reasons 
for throwing in his lot with the project. 

" Next thing to be done was to draw into the affair some one 
who had the character of a General to give the thing a name. He 
[Mar] knew the Earl of Marischall, who had little or no estate, was 
a yonge man of ambition ; and though his familie was sunk, yet 
the name of it had an influence in this countrie, which he'd 
readilie make use of to resent the injurie done him in taking away 
his regiment, and it being uneasie to him to accomodate himself 
to the way of liveing that his necessities reduced him to after 
haveing so latelie tasted the sweets of a regiment." 

Perhaps court life in London had caused the Maris- 
schall to run into debt, and, in the upheaval which was 
now taking place in the country, he found it difficult 
to collect his rents and to lay his hand on a supply of 
ready money. The Master of Sinclair was malicious, 
and jealous of Mar, and Mar's favourites ; but, as he was 
a connection by marriage of MarischalFs sister, there 
may have been some foundation for his insinuations. 

" The Marquise of Huntley," continues the Master of Sinclair, 
" had joyned us on the 9th October, the very day after Marshall 
came to us. It was very observable in his case how the tongues 
of a great many honest, well-meaning men can be turned loose 
upon one innocent man, without either their knowing for what, 
or the man's deserving it. . . . Tho' my Lord Huntley was at 
twice the distance that Marshall was and had fourteen or fifteen 


hundred men to bring up, and two squadrons of horse . . . nothing 
was heard but complaints of Huntley for not being there alreadie 
. . . while Marshall, who was within half that distance to us, and 
brought not fourscore horsemen to joyne us, was in the same fault, 
or rather a much greater by his situation : or, haveing so little to do, 
was cryed up to the skyes as the bravest forwardest, most accom- 
plished gentleman on earth. . . . Huntley had no jealousie of 
Marshall, who was younger and had nothing to loose ; ... and 
not of that extraordinary influence neither, for of that smaller 
number of horse he brought up with him all were independent 
gentlemen, and many had more to loose than himself ; and a 
great many were followers of Huntley . . . whom he had engadged 
to goe alonge with him . . by his own little tricks and traducings 
of Huntley, which no yonge man can be more capable of, and 
fitted him to be an admirable apprentice to Mar, and with that 
good disposition, and his not being able to subsist himself, render' d 
him very souple ; for, except he had receaved the publick monie 
at Mar's direction ... he could not have stood his own ground, 
far less had influence. . . . Marshall set about gaining MacFiersons, 
and gave them a very pleasant reason for acknowledging him their 
leader and chief by telling them that the MacFiersons were the 
Clan Cattan of old, and his name being Keith he was their live 
chief; tho' no bodie can prove by historic that ever Marshall's 
familie had a Highland following. . . . But this took with very 
few of the MacFiersons. Huntley squashed it without the least 
trouble to himself, and James Keith was baulked of the regiment 
of MacFierson which Mar designed him, who had followed Hunt- 
ley's ancestors for many hundred years. I never thought of that 
claim of Marshall's toe MacFiersons but it put me in mind of the 
etimologie of the word laquais made by a French grammarian from 
the Latin, ridiculed by Boilleaux : 

" Laquais vienne de verna sans doubte 
Mais il a bien changed sur les route." 

< . . . All this while Marshall and his Lieutenant Collonel, and 
in a word all who were Mar's favourites, or who they recommended, 
were not getting pay onlie but soums of monie, witness 500 at 
one time to Marshall, and while they were playing honest men 
against one another, they were caroussing and moving away with 
their spoile. ... To please Marshall, soon after he came to Pearth 
another project was set on foot to give him some extraordinary 


command, for what he brought with him did not distinguish him 
enough, so it was proposed that two Squadrons should be pickt 
out of the seven, Huntlie's two, Marshall, Linlithgow, Rollo, 
Southesque and 1 had each of us one. The one was to carry the 
Roy all Standard, and the other, a squadron of grenadiers, was to 
marche on the front of the other. We were not long of discover- 
ing that both of them were to be given to Marshall, for he did not 
like his own by no means, their horses were not so good as those 
of the more southern counties. This was the old project in the 
beginning, in favour of Linlithgow, who was now to be kickt out, 
and sooth'd, which they'd find no great difficulties in doeing, 
revived in favour of Marshall, but still more impudent and grosser, 
to break all bonds and societies of friendship and vassallage such 
as Huntley's were, and by that jumble to make all depend on Mar 
and his favourites. ... I wondered at people not contenting 
themselves with their own, nor could I see what pretence one had 
to ask that of another. . . they might depend on it they would 
not get one man from me and without doing good to themselves 
might breed ill blood. 

" Marshall was so modest as not to say one word, as I think he 
had reason." 

The curse of the Jacobite risings in Scotland was 
that the clan spirit was always opposed to the military 
spirit. The Earl Marischall, by his experience in the 
army and on active service for some years, was more fit 
to be placed in important command against regular 
troops than an untrained Highland chieftain. 

From France came over Lord Stormont, with des- 
patches from James, promising arms twelve large 
ships on the point of sailing. The Master of Sinclair, 
by a bold stroke, captured a ship in the Forth with over 
four hundred stand of arms. Mar collected the land- 
tax in Perthshire and elsewhere, whipped up gifts and 
loans, and, for the first time in history, the Highland 
clans were paid and fed " as well as the soldiers in 
Stirling/' Rob Roy McGregor with his clan, " so utterly 
infamous for thieving, depredation and murder/' joined 


the Jacobites, and made a catteran's raid on Argyle- 
shire. The Macintoshes started off to join the insur- 
gents in Northumberland, and, seizing Leith, joined 
them at Kelso and crossed the border. 

All seemed promising auspiciously well for the 
Stuart cause. Now was the time for the Chevalier to 
have landed, now was the moment for Mar to have 
made a dash at Stirling, where Argyle sat completely 
cut off from assistance from England, and with only 
fifteen hundred men and not a single gun. 

But the Pretender delayed his coming, hindered 
by the adverse advice of Bolingbroke, the refusal of 
Berwick to assume supreme command, the death of 
Louis XIV and the intrigues of the Regent, now veer- 
ing towards England. James, in far more propitious 
circumstances, lacked his son's verve. 

But Mar was also dilatory. A good plotter, a fair 
organizer, he was no general in the field. He had with 
him at Perth some ten thousand men, was master of 

" Seven or eight counties for the supply of provisions and recruits, 
and of upwards of two hundred miles of sea-coast for the landing 
of auxiliaries and ammunition from abroad. . . . With a far less 
force than Mar had at his disposal, Montrose gained eight victories, 
and overran Scotland ; with fewer numbers of Highlanders, Dundee 
won the battle of Killiecrankie ; with almost half the troops assem- 
bled at Perth, Charles Edward in 1745 marched as far as Derby, 
and gained two victories over regular troops." 

" After crossing the Forth," continues the candid friend, the 
whilom Secretary of State, " did nothing all this while but write ; 
and, as if all had depended on his writing, nobodie moved in any 
one thing ; there was not a word spoke of fortifying the town, nor 
the least care taken of sending for powder to any place ; we did 
not want gunsmiths, and yet none of them were employed in mend- 
ing our old armes. Whoever spoke of these things, which I did 
often, was giveing himself airs ; for we lived very well, and as long 
as meat, drink, and woine was not wanting, what was the need of 
anie more ? Most of us were goeing home everie day for our diver- 


sion, and to get a fresh supplie of the ready. In that we followed 
stricklie the rule of the gospell, for we never thought of to-morrow. 
If it escaped any extravagant fellow to say that more troopa were 
coming to joyn the Duke of Argyle from England and Ireland he 
was lookt upon as a visionaire. . . ." 

What wonder, as we shall see later, that the mis- 
management and supineness irked and chafed the keen 
young Earl Marischall ? 

When at last, on November 10th, Mar, being joined 
by General Gordbn from the west, made a move, 
Argyle had been reinforced and was advancing towards 
him. Mar's intention was to cross the Forth, but he 
was opposed by Argyle at Dunblane with four thou- 
sand men on Sunday, November 13th. 

The two armies met on the broad swelling expanse 
of Sheriffmuir. Mar drew up his army in two lines, 
each protected on either extremity by horse. The Earl 
Marischall, in virtue of his position, and of his experi- 
ence in the campaigns in Flanders, commanded the 
two squadrons which flanked the right. 

But even at this decisive moment " Bobbing John " 
seems to have been disinclined for action. He called 
a council of war on a hillock, at which divergent voices 
were heard. Some of the leaders wished to return to 
Perth and await James's arrival. But these voices 
" were soon drowned by shouts of ' Fight ! Fight ! ' 
and, without waiting for orders, the commanders gal- 
loped back to their posts, where a huzza began, with 
tossing up of hats and bonnets, and ran through the 
whole army on the hearing we had resolved to fight." 

Meanwhile Argyle in person came with a recon- 
noitring party up a little hill above Dunblane which 
lay between the two armies. Mar observed him, and 
sent the Earl Marischall to make a reconnaissance, 


" With Sir Donald McDonald's regiment of foot," chronicles James 
Keith, " and his own squadron of horse, to take possession of the 
rising ground on which the enemies' horse still remain' d, and to 
cover the march of the army to the left (our right wing being 
covered by a river) to the town of Dunblane, where we imagined 
the enemy still to be. On our approach the enemies' horse retired ; 
and we had no sooner gained the top of a hill than we discovered 
their wholle body, marching without beat of drum, about two 
muskets shot from us. It was now too late to retrait ; we there- 
fore formed on the top of the hill, and the Earl Marischall sent an 
aid-de-camp to advertise the Earl of Mar that he was fallen in with 
the enemies' army, that it was impossible for him to bring off the 
foot, and therefore desir'd he wou'd march up to his assistance as 
quick as possible which he did in too much haste ; for the army, 
which marched in four columns, arrived in such confusion that it 
was impossible to form them according to the line of battle pro- 
jected; every one posted himself as he found ground, and one 
columne of foot enclining to the right and another to the left of 
the Earl Marischall's squadron of horse, that regiment which should 
have been on the right, found itself on the center, separated from 
the rest of the horse, and opposed to the enemy's foot ; our foot 
formed all in one line, except on the left, where a bog hinder'd 
them from extending themselves, and encreased their confusion." 

" The Duke of Argyle was no less embarrassed on his side. His 
army was not yet entirely formed; the rear, which was to have 
formed his left wing, was yet on their march, and shewed us their 
flanck, which being observed by Lord George Gordon, he ordered 
our troops immediately to charge, which they did with so much 
vigour that in less than ten minutes they entirely defeated six 
regiments of foot and five squadrons of dragoons which composed 
more than half the Duke's army." 

This is James Keith's account, riding with his brother, 
and, later, badly wounded. He puts the blame upon the 
foot. Here follows that of the Master of Sinclair, with 
the Pifeshire, Perthshire, and Angus squadrons. But 
when the lines were broken into two columns, these 
latter squadrons followed in rear of the columns of the 
second line, which in turn followed those of the first 
line at a great distance, so that the Master was not a 


very close eye-witness of what went on at the top of 
the hill. 

" By the time we began to move off our ground, the four squadrons 
of horse, with Drummond and Marischall and the first column of the 
foot, with those who had made so great haste to the top [of the hill 
on which Argyle's reconnoitring cavalry had appeared] were near 
the enemy [Argyle's whole army having followed his cavalry], 
and beginning to form ; but Drummond and Marischall, instead of 
formeing on the right of that column with their four squadrons, 
formed on the left, which made the centre of the foot, it seems, 
not knowing their left hand from their right, thought themselves 
well there." 

The line was thus left weakened on its right flank, 
which necessitated calling up the horse from the rear 
column, from their proper place on the left to the 
right wing, which left the infantry on the left, now un- 
protected by cavalry, exposed to Argyle's Dragoons. 

Cameron of Lochiel's version is that, on Earl Mari- 
schall informing Lord Mar of his discovery of the 
enemy, " our whole army marched up in very great 
haste, which occasioned some confusion, though never 
men marched with greater cheerfulness. . . . The horse 
were called to the right, none stayed on the left, so that 
the right was engaged before the left could come up 
. . . and the fire began on the right/' 

Mar's official account to the Chevalier is most damn- 
ing to the Earl Marischall. 

" By the breaking up of their lines in marching off, they fell 
into some Confusion in the forming, and some of the second line 
jumbled into the first, on or near the Left, and some of the horse 
formed near the Centre, which seems to have been the occasion 
that the enemy's four squadrons on the Right were not routed as 
the rest. 

' . . . We drove the main body and Left of the enemy in this 
manner for about half a mile, killing and taking Prisoners all that 
we could overtake." 


Breaking from the position they had wrongly taken 
up in the centre, the dashing young ci-devant Colonel of 
Horse Guards wheeled his squadrons to the right ; "all 
broke and scattered, everie man for his own hand, 
riding as hard as his horse could carrie him." 

Yet the Earl has been blamed for not pursuing with 
sufficient vigour, and for allowing the enemy to retire 
with the Royal Standard of the Restoration Regiment 
as a trophy ! He himself was reported in both armies 
to have been killed. A private letter mentions that 
" the Earl Marischall, who stood by the Standard when 
Appin was killed, shared the same fate." 

The right wing, under Mar himself, pursued the re- 
treating regiments for half an hour, and drove them 
to near Stirling 

" Killing and taking Prisoners all that we could overtake." Then 
" he heard that his left had been beaten, and, giving up the pursuit, 
marched back to the top of the Stony Hill of Kippendavie, where 
he stood inactive, waiting to hear the fate of the left, not knowing 
what to do, till evening came, and he let the exhausted army slip 
back into Dunblane round the bottom of the hill under his very 

The Duke excused his rout by laying the blame on 
the Highlanders' method of fighting. 

" The three battalions of Foot on the left of the Duke's Center, 
just half our foot, behaved gallantly and made all the Resistance 
they could ; but, being unacquainted with this Savage Way of Fight- 
ing, against which all the Rules of War had made no Provision, 
they were forced to give way, fell in among the Horse, and help'd 
the Enemy to put them in Confusion ; so a total Rout of that wing 
of the Royal Army ensued." 

The generalship was faulty on both sides, though the 
zeal of the men was splendid. Each force was beaten 
on one wing and won on the other. A contemporary 


doggerel not inaptly describes this battle of blunders 
" Sheramuir " : 

" There's some say that we wan, 

Some say they wan, 
Some say that nane wan at a', man ; 

But ae thing I'm sure, 
That at Sheramuir, 
A battle there was which I saw, man ; 

And we ran, and they ran, 

And they ran, and we ran, 
And we ran, and they ran awa', man. 

So there such a race was, 
As ne'er in that place was, 
And as little chase was at a', man ; 

Frae ither they ran, 

Without touk o' drum, 
They did not make use o' a paw, man." 

Mar's inaction, due to his ignorance of what the 
enemy was doing, was pitiful. He not only lacked all 
dash, but seemed incapable of seizing any advantage. 
Well might the old Highland chief, Glenbucket, exclaim 
indignantly : " Oh for one hour of Dundee ! " as he 
saw the exhausted enemy allowed to sweep round the 
foot of the hall and re-enter Dunblane. 

On the other hand, the Duke came in for almost as 
much criticism as Mar. ' It was said of him that he 
was a better Christian than a General, for he did not 
let his left hand know what his right was doing ! Jj 

Friend fought against friend, and neighbour against 
neighbour, at Sheriffmuir. 

" Lord Forfar, when he was dicing, sent a ring and a locket to the 
Earl Marischall wt one of our people who we sent to see him, and 
he desired him to tell Lord Marischall that he waa sorrie he had 
engadg'd himself in this quarrel against his countrymen, and hopt 
they wou'd forgive him." 

The clan McGregor, under Rob Roy, remained passive 


onlookers during the battle, but seems to have taken 
an active part in looting subsequently. 

" After the battle, Earl Marischall enquired for a portman- 
teau. He was told by one of his servants that the groom who rode 
before it had been slain, upon which his Lordship imagined that 
the enemy had got it ; but his servant told him that it was not 
the case, and all would have been safe but that the young Laird 
of Bohaldy, who with a party of McGregors had plundered the 
whole baggage in place of fighting. . . . Lord Marischall knew 
Bohaldy to be not only a thief in private life, but an audacious liar 
in politicks." 

This last, however, was a discovery made in very 
involved times long after, as the reader will perceive 



ON the day of Sheriff muir the English and Scotch 
Jacobite force in the north of England surrendered at 
Preston ; the insurrection south of the Tweed was 
quelled. Hard upon this blow came the news that the 
loyal clans in the north of Scotland had taken Inver- 
ness. This caused some of the northern Jacobite clans 
to go home to protect their estates, and Mar found 
his army reduced by half, though his losses at Sheriff - 
muir were barely eight hundred. 

He retired to his old quarters at Perth, there to 
await the arrival of the Chevalier. There Earl Mari- 
schall was his senior General. 

Six long weeks of inaction ensued ere James set foot 
in Scotland. It was spent by the leaders at Perth in 
bickering and caballing. Some were even making 
secret overtures to Argyle with a view to procuring an 
amnesty for themselves. Even Mar's hand was forced, 
and he was committed to some tentatives. He called 
a meeting of all the lords and gentlemen of every 
county and showed them the articles of an Association 
by which they were to bind themselves never to desert 
each other. The Earl Marischall believed the Associa- 
tion was to counteract the move of Huntley, who was 
suspected of treating for a separate peace for himself 
in order to save his estates from the Earl of Suther- 
land's forces. 



However, the Duke, as inactive as his opponent, said 
he had no orders to treat with any one. Troops were 
being poured into Scotland by the Government ; the 
Jacobites pinned their hope on the Irish Brigade from 
France, with three thousand men from the Duke of 
Lorraine, which the Chevalier was to bring with him. 

Then came the rumour that James, unwilling to wait 
any longer for the embarkation of the troops, would 
venture to Scotland alone. " That told very well with 
the army at Perth/' 

After more delays, and some dangers, the Chevalier 
landed at Peterhead on December 22nd, alone, save 
for six gentlemen. He landed two months too late. 

Dining incognito at Skipper Scot's house, in the 
Castlegate, James then rode on to Newburgh, the Earl 
Marischall's seaside house. Thence, next day, through 
Aberdeen, incognito, to Fetteresso, the chief country 
seat of the Keiths, where he spent a far from festive 
Christmas Day. 

Mar was apprised of the Chevalier's arrival by Alan 
Cameron of Lochiel, who had landed with him and 
hurried to Perth. Accompanied by the Earl Marischall, 
General Hamilton, and about thirty other gentlemen, 
Mar rode forward to meet him* 

" Arriving at Fetteresso on the 27th they were introduced, many 
of them for the first time, to their pseudo-sovereign, who, on this 
occasion, threw aside his disguise, and appeared in his proper 
dress, permitting them to kiss his hand. Immediately after the 
ceremony of introduction, the Earl Marischall proceeded to pro- 
claim him before the door of his house." 

He made James swear to restore the Scottish privi- 
leges taken away by Anne at the Union. " Sire/' said 
the young Earl Marischall to the young King, about 
bis own age, " your subjects will always be ready to 


sacrifice lives and fortunes for Your Majesty's cause, 
because they think you will consider their interests as 
your own. The rights you claim are just, and wiH 
remain so if you respect theirs." Here spoke the 
" Republican Jacobite." 

Unfortunately affected by the northern climate in a 
very severe winter, James lay two days in bed ill with 
ague. He stayed at Fetteresso over New Year's Day, 
very busy receiving loyal addresses from the non- 
juring clergy of the diocese of Aberdeen, and from the 
magistracy. He conferred a dukedom upon Mar, 
appointed the Earl Marischall Gentleman of the Bed- 
chamber, knighted the new Provost of Aberdeen, and 
named a Privy Council, Mar making all the appoint- 
ments. He further ordered prayers to be made for him 
in the churches, and appointed a day of thanksgiving. 

The Chevalier's first speech to the Council was not 
invigorating. But we must remember that he was ill, 
and that the weather in mid- winter on the east coast 
of Scotland is trying even to those born to it. 

" He had come amongst them," he said, " merely that those who 
were backward in discharging their duty might find no pretext for 
this conduct in his absence. . . . For myself, it is no new thing 
for me to be unfortunate, since my whole life, from my cradle, has 
been a constant series of misfortunes, and I am prepared, if so 
please God, to suffer the extent of the threats which my enemies 
throw out against me." 

But James was " found handsome, with a noble 
expression, courteous, tractable, and kind." 

On January 2nd he left Fetteresso and rode to 
Brechin, where he stayed till the 4th, and passed the 
night at Glamis Castle, whence Mar wrote a descriptive 
letter, which he very cleverly caused to be printed and 
circulated all over the country. 


" I met the King at Fetteresso on Tuesday se'ennight, where we 
staid till Friday. . . . The King designed to go on to Dundee to- 
day ; but there is such a fall of snow that he is forced to put it 
off till to-morrow, if it be practicable then; and from thence he 
designs to go to Scoon. There is no haste in his being there sooner, 
for nothing can be done at this season, else he had not been so 
long by the way. People everywhere as we come along are exces- 
sively glad to see him, and express their duty as they ought. 
Without any compliment to him, and to do him nothing but justice, 
setting aside his being a prince, he is really the finest gentleman I 
ever knew. He has a very good presence, and resembles Charles II 
a great deal. His presence, however, is not the best of him. He 
has fine parts. ... I never saw anybody write so finely. He is 
afable to a great degree, without losing the majesty that he ought 
to have, and has the sweetest temper in the world. In a word, he 
is every way fitted to make us a happy people were his subjects 
worthy of him. ... It is not fit to tell the particulars ; but I assure 
you he has left nothing undone, that well could be, to gain every- 
body, and I hope God will touch their hearts. 

" I have reason to hope we shall all quickly see a new face of 
affairs abroad, in the King's favour." 

When the Chevalier entered Dundee, Mar rode on 
his right hand and the Earl Marischall on his left, and 
nearly three hundred gentlemen followed. For an 
hour the King halted at the market cross, and the 
populace thronged and kissed his hand. On Sunday 
he reached the old Royal Palace of Scone, and next 
day made a public entry into Perth. 

"At the first news" (of the Chevalier's arrival), writes the 
Master of Sinclair, "it was impossible to express the Joy and 
Vigour of our Men [at Perth]. Now was hop'd the Day was come 
when we should live more like soldiers, and should be led on to 
Face our enemies, and not lie mouldring away into nothing, 
attending the idle Determination of a discontented Council ; but 
our joy was very much abated when we heard that there were no 
troops arriv'd, only about eighty Officers, when in truth there were 
not above half the number." 


The Chevalier issued edicts, convened the Estates 
in Scotland, ordered all fencible men between sixteen 
and sixty to his standard, and appointed a day for his 
coronation at Scone, " the Place seeming also to con- 
cur with the Proposal, being the very Spot where all 
the ancient Kings of Scotland were Enthroned and 

Immediately the Jacobite leaders of Perthshire 
began to prepare by subscribing for the purchase of a 
temporary coronet, in the absence of the diadem of 
his ancestors, now in Edinburgh Castle. 

"But I never found that he was in haste for the Ceremony, and 
I believe most firmly that he was not forward, because he, I mean 
his Friends that he brought with him, found from the beginning 
that it wou'd not do, that the Foundation was ill laid and could not 
support him, and that he would be obliged to quit the Enterprise 
with Dishonour.'* 

There was disillusionment on both sides. James 
wanted to see " the little kings with their armies/' 
meaning the Chiefs and the Clans, but was vastly dis- 
appointed at the paucity of their numbers. The forces 
had so dwindled that any royal review was out of the 

The Master of Sinclair, writing as " Kebel," in " A 
True Account of the proceedings at Perth/' was not 
prepossessed by James's appearance and manner, per- 
haps to be accounted for by the 

" Dejected circumstances ; which were sufficient to alter the com- 
plexion even of his soul as well as his body ... his words were few. 
, . , I cannot say I ever saw him smile. . . . When we saw the man 
whom we called our King we found ourselves not at all animated 
by his presence, and if he was disappointed in us we were tenfold 
more so in him. We saw nothing in him that looked like spirit. 
He never appeared with cheerfulness and vigour to animate ua, 
Pur men began to det^e him, and some asked ijf be could speafc 


... He cared not to come abroad among us soldiers, or to see us 
handle our arms or do our exercises. Some said the circumstances 
he found us in dejected him ; I am sure the figure he made dejected 
us ; and had he sent us five thousand men of good troops and 
never come himself among us, we had done other things than we 
had now." 

To add to the general gloom very severe weather 
set in, " the extreamist season of the year, one of the 
coldest winters that had been seen for these many 
ages ; so great a Load of Snow upon the Earth/' 

It did not add to James's popularity that for strategic 
reasons he ordered the burning of villages between 
Perth and Stirling, thereby causing great suffering to 
the inhabitants. It was a measure against Argyle, 
who, strongly reinforced, was preparing to advance. 

A Council sat at Scone, and there were heated and 
protracted debates. But the army, especially the 
clans, were in the highest spirits ; " pipers play'd inces- 
santly, men shook hands with each other, like men in- 
vited to a feast rather than a battle/' so eager were 
they to assume the offensive, though the outlying 
garrison at Tullibardine slept " on the snow for three 
nights, as the French say, sous les belles estoilles." Perth 
was hastily strengthened and the frozen Tay utilized. 

But James, when told that Argyle was coming, is 
reported to have wept, saying " that instead of bring- 
ing him to a crown they were bringing him to a grave/' 
Prince Eugene, when he heard of this, remarked that 
weeping " is not the way to conquer kingdoms." 

On January 29th Argyle, with twelve thousand men, 
began his march to Perth, bivouacing in the snow. 

The Council debated with renewed vigour. 

"The great men were up all night, and nothing was seen but 
posting to and fro between Schone an<J Perth , , , ajl tb$ Military 


Men were positive in their Resolution for Fighting. The Earl of 
Mar, two or three clergymen who kept with him, and some others 
were resolved not to put it to the Hazard ; their pretence was the 
safety of the Chevalier's Person." 

There were " ruffles " in the open streets between 
the " great men " and the Highlanders. 

" What did you call us to take arms for ? Was it to run away ? " 
asked one of them. " What did the Chevalier come hither for ? 
Was it to see his People butchered by Hangmen, and not strike 
a stroke for their lives ? Let us Die like Men, and not like Dogs." 

One bold Aberdeenshire clansman threatened, in so 
many words 

" That the Loyal Clans would take the Chevalier from them, and 
that, if he was willing to Die like a Prince, he should find there were 
ten thousand Gentlemen in Scotland that were not afraid to Die 
with him. Things began to be very tumultuous and disorderly." 

But the troops were discreetly pacified by the pro- 
mise that a great Council should sit that evening. It 
did so, and talked so much that it sat again next day, 
" when the fatal Resolution of giving up their Cause 
was taken, on the same unhappy Day that the grand- 
father of the Chevalier was beheaded at the Gate of 
his Palace by the English Usurper." 

Only with great difficulty did those in favour of a 
retreat carry their point. '' No one went to bed that 
night, but those who had nothing to remove but 

The Chevalier came in from Scone very early. 
Lest Argyle should get wind of the movements, the 
greatest secrecy was observed, and by the afternoon 
most of the forces were over the Tay, which was frozen 
hard enough to bear both horse and man. The Chevalier 
followed, " with tears in his eyes." 


Argyle's van entered Perth the very next day. 

Now only one thousand strong, the retreating Jaco- 
bite army marched along the Carse o' Gowrie by Dundee 
to Montr ose. The suspicions of the men that James 
meant to escape by himself were now aroused ; and 
indeed, a French vessel which had put into the Firth of 
Tay with arms and ammunitions was secretly signalled 
to await him. Meanwhile, to allay distrust, the troops 
were ordered to march to Aberdeen, and the royal bag- 
gage was sent with them. 

But though James, swayed by Mar's arguments, had 
practically made up his mind to return to France 

" He resolved," writes James Keith, " to know the sentiments of 
some others of his subjects on the matter, and having calPd for the 
Earl Marischall, told him he desired his advice on the same head. 
But he excused himself on account of his age and want of experi- 
ence ; but, finding himself still pressed, at last desired he might 
first have leave to speak with the Duke of Marr, who used the 
same arguments as he had done with the King ; to which the other 
answer'd, that tho' we were in a bad situation he did not think the 
case so desperate as he represented ; that the troops we had in 
the north wou'd amount to about 7,000 foot and about 400 horse, 
which wou'd make us very near equal to the enemy ; and that it 
was true we had little ammunition, but that we could get as much 
out of Aberdeen and the places where we past as wou'd serve to 
try the fate of a day, and that even if we lost it, we wou'd be no 
worse than we wou'd be in taking the present course ; that, as for 
the King's person, he did not apprehend it cou'd be in danger, because 
by sending ships away to the west of Scotland, where there were 
so many harbors for them to lye in, he cou'd make his escape from 
thence with less danger than even from the port they were at, 
the mouth of which was blocked up by two of the enemies' men of 
war ; and that, to conclude all, he did not think it for the King's 
honour, nor for that of the nation, to give up the game without 
putting it to a tryell. Lord Marr seemed to be convinced of the 
truth of this, and said he wou'd advise the King not to go ; how- 
ever, a ship was already provided. . . ." 


The Earl Marischall was among the gentlemen 
ordered by James to accompany him " tho' he seemed 
very desirous to stay and share the fate of his country- 


" ' Your Majesty,' the Earl Marischall is reported to have said 
to the Chevalier, ' is going to preserve himself for his friends : 
I am going to share misfortunes with those who are left him in 
Scotland. I will collect them, and shall not leave without them.' 

" On the 14th of February the Pretender receiv'd advice at 
Montrose that part of the King's army was advancing towards 
Aberbrothek, whereupon he ordered his Horse to be brought before 
the Door of the House in which he lodged, and the Guard which 
usually attended him to Mount, as if he design' d to go on with the 
Clans to Aberdeen : But at the same time he slipped privately out 
on Foot, accompanied only by one of his Domesticks, went to the 
Earl of Mar's lodgings, and thence by a By way to the Waterside, 
where a Boat waited and carried him and the Earl of Mar on board 
a French Ship of about 90 Tuns, called the Marie Terese of St. 

" About a quarter of an Hour after two other Boats carried the 
Earl of Melfort, and the Lord Drummond, with Lieutenant-General 
Sheldon, and ten other gentlemen on board the same Ship, and 
then they hoisted sail and put to Sea. The Earl of Marischal and 
Southesk and Lord Tinmouth, Son to the Duke of Berwick, 
General Gordon, and many other gentlemen and Officers of Distinc- 
tion were left behind to shift for themselves." 

Was it by some accident, or was it by intention, 
that the Earl did not sail ? The horse had gone on 
ahead of the army ; the Earl may have been with it, 
and with Lord Edward Drummond, also Gentleman 
of the Bedchamber, who was lame from a fall from his 
horse, and Lord Tinmouth, five miles off, and to whom 
" the King wrote to follow in a small ship that was 
then in the Harbour; but the Master of this Ship 
was frightened and went away without carrying any 

The Earl Marischall, accompanied by 


" A Colonel Clapham, who had come over from the Hanoverian 
party, came sometime after to the Shore, but by an accident found 
no boat, and so could not go off, tho' as the boat men who 
carryed the King assured us, His Majesty stay'd for them till near 
eleven o'clock (two hours), but could stay no longer, because of 
the nine men of War that were cruising thereabouts ; and it was 
by great good luck, that the Sloop, having stay'd so long, got out 
of their reach before it was daylight." 

James had been just six weeks in Scotland ! 

Mar subsequently wrote, on arriving in Paris, that 
they " waited in the ship one and a half hours, but by 
what accident we yet know not, they did not come, 
and there was no waiting any longer. . . . The King 
and we are in no small pain to know what is become 
of our friends we left behind." 



EVERY precaution had been taken to conceal James's 
escape. The army was ordered to march northwards ; 
the baggage of the Chevalier and Lord Mar moved 
away, " his servants went on with more forwardness 
than usual " ; communication with the ships was cut 
off, and " the troops marched cheerfully on/' 

" But, had you seen the confusion we were in next morning, when 
we were told that the Chevalier was gone, it is impossible to express 
the rage of the soldiers, especially of some of the Noblemen and 
general officers, how they exclaimed against the Earl of Mar in 

" The march was executed with much confusion, everybody be- 
lieving the enemy to be at heels . . . and what augmented it," 
writes James Keith, " was the rumour that the King was gone ; 
but it was given out that he had only gone by sea to Aberdeen, and 
wou'd be there before us. This took well enough with the common 
soldiers for some hours, but next morning when we arrived at 
Stonhyve, where the other division of our army met it, it became 
publick that he was gone for France. The consternation was 
general, and the wholle body so dispirited, that had the Duke of 
Argile followed us close, and come up with only two thousand men, 
I'm persuaded that he might have taken us all prisoners." 

Aberdeen was reached on Monday at noon, though 
" we lost a day's march in the confusion and distrac- 
tion." At two o'clock a crowded gathering of the 
officers and chiefs was held in the hall of Marischall 
College, which had been closed during the rising. 



General Gordon produced James's commission, appoint- 
ing him Commander-in-Chief , and a farewell letter from 
the departed monarch, who lamented that the disap- 
pointments he had met with, especially from abroad, 
had obliged him to leave their country; that he 
thanked them for their services, and desired them to 
advise with General Gordon, and consult their own 
security, either by keeping in a body or separately, 
and encouraged them to hear further from him in a 
very short time." 

The Chevalier's escape " confounded " people. 
" When the King's letter was read my Lord Marischall 
could not contain himself from the most injurious 
expressions." His youthful blood was up ; he was 
exasperated by the woeful mismanagement and the 

Gordon next produced a letter from the Marquis of 
Huntley, who was at Castle Gordon, apparently very 
loyal, suggesting an attack on Inverness. 

But the Duke was following them up closely, and the 
stay at Aberdeen was short. It was unanimously 
decided that they should move on to Huntley. 

On his march to Aberdeen, the Duke " past to the 
Earl MarischalFs house at Steburst Tuesday Last, where 
he had dinner with the Countess " hardly a welcome 

"As he went north he had the castle of Dunottar 
delyvared to him, in which were eighteen or nineteen 
persons, and as many fine horses." 

Meston, Professor of Philosophy, the Earl's former 
tutor, was in command [of his castle. Meston was a 
wit and a poet, but no soldier. He saw the game was 
up, and surrendered. The ancient stronghold of the 
Keiths was dismantled of its cannon ; two years later 
it was blown up the magnificent shell we see to-day. 


Poor Meston, reduced to penury, afterwards kept an 
academy in the north ; when that failed he moved to 
Perth, and later became tutor in the Gask family. The 
best of boon companions, with his rollicking Latin and 
Scotch verses 

" His Jacobitism leaks out, whether he bewails the death of 
Charles XII or sings praises of the horse that slew the Hogan 
Morgan King ; he storms at Gilligapons (George II) and the Minis- 
ter ' Jocky Bob,' who had between them gotten the British mare 
into their clutches and had tricked its rightful owner. 

" ' I wish the Man his Mare again, 
My tale is done ; say you, Amen. 

Let Royal James adorn his native isle. 
Then will all things jocundly smile.' 

" A man ruined by politics was excusable for venting his spleen 
on the dominant party in Church and State." 

But to return to the dispirited, deserted remnant of 
Mar's army. Colonel Hay was sent on ahead to Huntley 
to sound him and consult. Some of the insurgents 
now separated, four hundred gentlemen taking ship at 
Peterhead for Caithness. But the main body marched 
west through Strathdon to Inverugie and old Meldrum. 

The Earl Marischall and his brother seized the 
chance of removing their valuables from their castle 
into a place of safety. The family plate was conveyed 
to a small hut which stood in one of the fields now on 
the estate of Mount Pleasant, and afterwards removed 
bit by bit as found convenient. The dependents were 
hurriedly dismissed and advised to seek some place 
of safety, as the castle was certain to be attacked and 
to share the fate of Dunottar. The brothers them- 
selves, in the grey dawn of a spring morning, rode forth 
from the home of their fathers, never to return. 


" How different it was from the last time, only a few months 
before, when their followers, drinking to King James's health in the 
Castle yard, threw their glasses over their left shoulders, and 
marched forth confident of victory. After proceeding a short dis- 
tance, and before coming to a bend in the road where he lost sight 
of the Castle, the Earl Marischall turned round and gazed on the 
noble pile where his ancestors had for so long lived and held sway. 
Heaving a deep sigh, and dropping a tear, he quickened his horse 
into a sharp trot, and, disappearing round the angle of the road, 
was lost to view ; and the greater part of those who gazed upon 
the retreating form of the last of the Marischalls never saw him 

At Strathbogy Colonel Hay met the army, bearing 
Huntley 's refusal to join in any operations. Next day 
they marched on to Keith. Here the Earl, chafing 
over the indecision, determined to try himself to stir up 
Huntley to another effort. He rode over to Castle 
Gordon, t( but easily perceived by the Marquises' 
answer, that there was nothing to be expected from him, 
and that we must be reduced to our last makeshift of 
going to the mountains/' writes the younger brother. 

We can imagine the momentous interview, though it 
is unrecorded. It must have ended stormily, for the 
brave young Earl was in no mood for surrender. That 
Huntley Huntley, at whose hunting- lodge of Aboyne 
the rising had been planned Huntley, first in the 
field with his gallant Gordons, that Huntley should be 
the first of its leaders to throw up the game ! Two days 
later he received a garrison of King George's troops 
into Castle Gordon. 

It was now chacun pour soi. 

" It was very melancholy to think that nobody proposed any- 
thing, nor thought but of preserving themselves and making the 
best terms they could. They all agreed that the best way to get 
anything that could look like honourable terms was by sticking 
together and asking as a body." 


The dwindling body, their leaders footing it, the 
horse dispersed, the foot disintegrated into small bodies, 
and plundering, went up Glen Rhymie. Here they 
were joined by sixty gentlemen, mostly of the French- 
Irish Brigade, who had been foiled in their attempts 
to embark at Peterhead and again at Fraserburgh. 

Then up the river to Strathdon, and over the moun- 
tains into Strathspey. At last, after a week's con- 
tinuous " and severe marching from the great snow 
on the hills, and the bad weather/' a refuge was found, 
and a halt called at Ruthven in the gloomy Badenoch 
Forest, where the highest mountains of the Grampians 
sheltered them from the east coast Lowlands and 
Argyle's pursuit. 

The Earl Marischall's mood may be gleaned from a 
letter of Sheridan's, one of the wanderers, written later 
to Mar. Disappointed, exasperated, bitter, the Earl 
vented all his wrath upon Mar, who had misled and 
betrayed them. His ; ' prejudice to Mar increased, 
and he took all manner of ways to lessen your character, 
even at the expense of the King's." Sheridan seems to 
have shared the Earl's rough bivouacs on this toilsome 
march, for " one morning, while we were abed, he 
plainly told me that you or he should fall, and that he 
hoped and did not doubt to effect it, and desired I 
should join in it. . . . From that time his Lordship's 
malice was still more against you." 

General Gordon, the Earl Marischall, and other chief 
men, put up at the Cluny's castle near Kingussie. 
Here " a letter was writ to Argyle, to know what 
terms could be had, with an entreaty to intercede 
for them. Some would not sign it. But it was 
signed by the General and some of the nobility and 
part of the clans. I do not learn any return was 
made to it." 


The Earl Marischall would not sign, saying " he did 
not desire any capitulation." 

" In the Highlands we stayed some time, and, the Clans coming 
in about Balmoral and Glengarry, we found that we had diminished 
very few of our number, and that if any sudden occasion required 
we could still make up 6,000 foot and about 400 horse ; but, not 
seeing any occasion of action, we separated for a time, till, hearing 
that the Duke of Argyle resolv'd to pursue us through the High- 
lands with fire and sword ... we retir'd farther into the hills." 

It was decided to disperse the clans, " as there was 
no money nor provisions to subsist them. . . ." The 
Highland gentlemen, trusting to the " inaccessibleness 
of their hills, resolved to stay in the country . . . the 
low- country gentleman, who cou'd find no safety in 
their own country, resolved to keep together till they 
should get to the west sea and so take the first oppor- 
tunity of getting out of the kingdom." 

As the Keiths could not hope for safety on their 
estates, they threw in their lot with those fugitives who 
had determined to leave their native land. With a 
heavy heart the Earl Marischall decided for exile, but 
he said " he would not despair of God's justice nor that 
of men." 

With the Marquis of Linlithgow and Tullibardine, 
Viscount Kilsyth, Lord Tinmouth, a grandson of 
James II, and others, he " found means to shift from 
Place to Place, till an opportunity offered in their 
behalf, to show them a Way after their old Master." 

The Keiths joined with Sir Donald Macdonald and 
Clanranald's men, who were going home to the western 
isles. They " skulked for some time in the Mountains 
from His Majesty's troops who pursued 'em thro" the 
north, endured incredible fatigues," suffered want and 
privation, " losing near a company of foot, who were 
overset in passing a river by the overloading of a boat." 


At one time the English forces were not thirty miles 
off, but there was not one of the Clanranalds who would 
have betrayed them, though the story runs that on 
one occasion the Earl Marischall heard in person the 
proclamation read for his arrest. 

A price was on his head. Though always followed, 
he was safe, though never disguised, in the quiet of 
the mountains, or among the lonely isles, in no danger 
among the faithful peasants whose cabins he sometimes 
shared. ' His tranquil philosophy never left him. 
He joked amid perils about his brave Scots, who were 
always bragging about their victories." 

Occasionally the fugitives met. The Earl once said 
to a friend : 

" I am not so well hidden as was Lord Bolingbroke, who on one 
of his journeys, not desiring to be known, enjoined his negro servant 
to say that he was French. But the man, anxious to deserve his 
master's trust by his discretion, replied to all the questions of 
inquisitive people : ' He is French, and I am French also ! ' 

By the end of March the fugitives had safely reached 
the western isles. Here they lay hidden for a month, 
first at Sir John Macdonald's house in Skye, and then 
at Ormaclade, Clanranald's house in South Uist 

" Without any appearance, "chronicles James Keith, " of escaping, 
no ship being then on that coast, and the ships we have sent for 
to several parts of Scotland not daring to come to us for fear of 
the enemies' men-of-war ; but what troubled us most was the 
repeated advices we had that the enemy was preparing to attack 
us, and that two battalions of foot and three fregats were already 
in the isle of Sky, not ten leagues from us." 

Some of these high-born fugitives were sick, Lord 
Talbot seriously ill ; most were destitute, all had passed 
through adventures and hairbreadth escapes ; James 


Keith, badly wounded at Sheriffmuir, and Sir John 
Maclean, were reported both in France and in Scotland 
to be dead. Some declined to cross the sea, preferring 
the risk of remaining in their native land. Brigadier 
Campbell was one of the latter ; to him the Earl Mari- 
schall gave fifty pistoles of the Chevalier's money to 
use on behalf of the Cause, if he remained in Scotland. 

In the Court of St. Germains there was great anxiety 
as to the whereabouts and safety of the Earl Marischall, 
General Gordon, and the Earl of Southesk. 

At last, in April, there sailed up Loch Eynort, on the 
east coast of South Uist, the Marie Terese, the very 
ship which had taken James to France. 

Owen Sheridan, the Captain, had had a " very 
hazardous and difficult voyage/' through St. George's 
Channel, to reach the isles ; he had paid ten guineas 
for a pilot from Eum. When, at last, he did make 
South Uist, he " had the greatest difficulty in the 
world in meeting the King's friends." Eventually he 
discovered them at Clanranald's house at Ormaclade. 
Having landed arms and powder, wine and brandy 
from the Chevalier for that chieftain, who, with others, 
had resolved to defend themselves in their island fast- 
nesses unless they were offered honourable terms, he 
embarked the noblemen and forty-three Irish officers 
of the French regiment, a hundred and four persons in 
all, packed in a vessel of ninety tons, and sailed on 
April 29th. 

Lord Talbot died on board, " and his body was thrown 
into the sea." After a long and weary voyage the 
Marie Terese cast anchor in the quiet little port of St. 
Paul de kepn, pn the Brittany cpast, on May 9th, 1716, 



ON the very day that the Earl Marischall set sail from 
Uist the Parliament in London passed the first reading 
of the Bill of Attainder on over a hundred of the Jaco- 
bite leaders, his name among the first on the list. 

George Keith was proscribed and condemned to 
be beheaded for treason. He lost everything rank, 
honours all his estates fell to the Crown. Only the 
title of Earl Marischall of Scotland remained to him. 

" As for that bit of goods," he remarked to a friend, with the 
dry humour that never left him under his worst misfortunes, " I 
shall keep it under the good pleasure of King George, who has no 
power to take it away from me ; for I enjoy it, saving His Grace, 
with better right than he possesses the Crown of Great Britain, 
as the title is that of my forefathers, and if I cannot prevent him 
signing, as he does, George Rex, at least I shall always sign, with 
his permission, Marischall of Scotland." 

Which he always did, after his attainder, though, in 
later years, when he corresponded so much in French, 
altering it to Marechal d'Ecosse. But he would never 
call King George his " Master." " I shall never have 
any master other than my lawful one." 

The meeting of such a company of disappointed and 
sorely tried men companions in arms, friends, and 
relations, after so many adventures, and the subsequent 
long voyage, packed in very close quarters in the 
Marie Terese, gave ample opportunity and time to 



discuss ad nauseam all the recent events in which they 
had taken part ; there was plenty of recrimination. 
On landing in Brittany, Erskine wrote at once to Mar, 
that " the Earl Marischall whom they thought par- 
ticularly friends with Mar, encouraged the clamour 
against him." 

The Keiths went straight from Brittany to Paris. 
They arrived there the very day that their maternal 
grandfather, the titular Duke of Perth, died, after 
twenty-three long years of exile at St. Germains, sur- 
viving that great friend of the Stuarts, Louis XIV, 
and living to see the Pretender chased from French 

The Regent, Philip of Orleans, flouted by the King 
of Spain, who was jealous of his Regency, had turned 
to England. Cardinal Dubois, the first Minister, was 
planning the Triple Alliance between England, Holland, 
and France. One of the stipulations was that James 
should no longer be tolerated in Lorraine or France. 
Therefore, a few weeks before the Earl Marischall 
reached Paris, he had taken up his residence at Avig- 
non, in Papal territory. 

The Queen-mother, however, was still living in the 
old chateau at St. Germains, the home Louis XIV had 
bestowed upon the exiled Stuart Court, and thither the 
Earl Marischall and his brother at once made their 
way to kiss her hand. 

Maria Beatrix, kind soul, was ever ready to do all 
she could for the men who had sacrificed so much for 
her husband and son, the men, wrote Mar, who " had 
no choice but to stay and be hanged, or to come over, 
and, now that they have come, have no earthly resource 
to give them bread but the King, who, as long as he 
has or can get it, cannot in honour let them starve." 

The refugees were in dire distress, but James could 


not help all, and it was impossible to get them in 
Spanish, Sicilian, or Russian service. The Queen did 
all she could. She befriended young James Keith, gave 
him money to supply his urgent need, and saw to it 
that he continued his education, and sent him to the 
Military Academy. 

The Earl Marischall was offered a commission in the 
French service ; but the Government of the Regent was 
too inclined to the House of Hanover to be to his taste. 
" I will not serve that House or its Allies ! 3i was his 
proud refusal. 

His resentment against Mar, as the author of all 
the evil, was still bitter. The Abbe Inese, chaplain to 
the Queen, Head of the Scots College at Paris, and 
Secretary for Scotland at the little Court, who had 
joined the Chevalier at Avignon, wrote to Mar, a fort- 
night after the Earl Marischall landed, that 

" Some of the first rank who are last come are of the same grum- 
bling humour . . . pretty open complainings of Martel [Mar] by 
Musgrave [Earl Marischall] or the other chiefs. . . . But since they 
are to go to Patrick [James] I think the sooner they go the better, 
for, you know, there will not lack firebrands to blow the coals." 

Inese thought Mar " had great reason to complain " of the Earl. 
" Since then he has been here ten days, and I followed and attended 
him as close as ever I could, but found him still very shy of me 
(I know not for what reason) that it was not possible for me to get 
a word with him alone. All that I could do was to get his uncle, 
Lord Edward (who is sincerely MarteFs humble servant) to speak 
home to him on the point, but I did not find he prevailed much, 
though what he said must have made some impression, on one of 
so good sense. My main hopes are that Andrew [Queen Mary] 
who promised to take him to task, will have set him right, for what 
Andrew will have said, and his gracious way of saying it, is not 
easy to be resisted. But I heartily wish he may be gone, as I 
hope he now is, towards Patrick, for Paris, where both the B's 
[Berwick and Bolingbroke] and all their underlings are, is a very 
infectious air for those of Musgrave's present disposition." 


The Earl Marischall was of too honest a character to 
be swayed, even by his Sovereign Lady the Queen's 
" gracious manner/' from exposing proceedings which, 
in his opinion, had injured the cause he had at heart. 
Mar, on the other hand, as usual, was intent on his own 
interests. It is noticeable, throughout the correspond- 
ence over this quarrel, that Mar attempts to concentrate 
the point at issue on to an actual personal grievance of 
the Earl's with regard to Mar's behaviour to him. But 
the Marischall was never a self-seeker. With him it was 
no question, as Mar tried to make out, as to whether 
he had been slighted by not being given high command. 
His rancour against Bobbing John was that he had 
mismanaged the King's affairs. 

Mar waxes quite pathetic over the Earl's behaviour 
to him, when writing to condole with the latter 's uncle, 
now titular Duke of Perth, on his father's death. 

" I hope you'll condole with me on having lost a friend I had 
placed great confidence in, and though it be not by death, it is still 
the loss of a friend to me. You can bear me witness how little I 
deserved this usage (which all my accounts confirm) from that 
person since my coming to France, as well as since ever I knew 
him. Had my own brother or son rose up against me it could not 
have surprised me more, nor given me greater concern, for indeed 
my son was not dearer to me, nor could I have done any more to 
serve any child of my own than I have done for him. What pro- 
voked him to it, God, I believe, only knows ; but this is not a time 
for quarrelling amongst ourselves. That may be without much 
hurt to our master, when he is restored, but neither for his honour 
nor interest now, and I would not have mentioned it ... if it had 
not been on the account of his near relation to you, and that you 
know particularly all that has ever been betwixt us." 

To Inese Mar likewise poured out his grievances in the 
same strain. 

May IQth, 1716. 

"... There is one thing that gives Martel [Mar] great con- 
cern, which I cannot forbear mentioning to you, and that is the 


part one now come over, and by this time I believe, with you, has 
acted towards him, since Patrick [James] and he [Mar] left him. 
Had his own brother or son rose up against him, he could not 
have been more surprised at it, and what has provoked him to it, 
God only knows. I believe his friend, who is lately dead, knew 
the justice Martel did that young man, since Martel came to 
France ; but there are living witnesses enough of it, as his uncle, 
yourself, and, in short, everybody he has spoken to, to whom he 
often took opportunities on purpose to talk of that person to do 
him honour, nay even in print he showed him his kindnesses for 
him. It is fully known to Patrick the good offices he endeavoured 
all along to do him, and Andrew may remember the kind manner 
of his expressing himself of him. Besides all this he has, since 
ever he knew him, endeavoured as much to serve him as if he had 
been his own son, and he may say it without vanity, that all the 
favours he has done him was by his procurement, though he never 
thought to have been obliged to have mentioned them ; these are 
known to the world, as is likewise the odium Martel drew on himself, 
when last in his own country, by his shewing a more than ordinary 
value for, and confidence in him. It is known too, to more than 
one, that before the late affair began Martel desired Patrick to put 
him in the state commission with him. When all these things come 
to be known to all, his carriage of late towards Martel will do him- 
self more hurt than it will do to him he designed it, and, by all 
the letters that are come, it has already failed of the effects he 
designed against a man who has so remarkably been his friend. 
What Martel is most concerned for is his losing a friend who he 
had a good opinion of, and being so much mistaken of any of man- 
kind, which he never found himself so far out in before. But we 
are an odd species of the creation, and the longer one lives he has 
the more to convince him of the low opinion of most of them, so 
that increases the esteem he ought to have of the few whom he 
finds men of true principles of honour, friendship, and gratitude. 
This affair being no secret, Patrick could not but know and hear 
of it. It gave him more concern than there was occasion, and 
Martel told him that it was not now time for such folks to be 
quarrelling amongst themselves, so it should never give him trouble 
in the way he now is. Martel knew that one who had been in his 
station must meet with and bear such things, he hopes the time 
may come when Patrick will be at home, when any differences of 
that kind can be of little hurt to him, and then Martel knows what 


is incumbent on him to do with regard to himself. Martel knows 
that all this was done by that person to put him from about 
Patrick, and he endeavoured to put it upon that foot, that they 
could not both be with him ; perhaps he meant it well for Patrick's 
service, young people being commonly full of themselves, and 
their own abilities, for I cannot think but the service in general 
is the first thing in view with him. I am afraid, indeed, it may be 
long before Martel has another opportunity of serving Patrick at 
home, and, did the person know Martel's real sentiments of his 
being about Patrick abroad, he would not give himself so much 
trouble about removing him. Martel is as sensible as any of the 
little service he can be of to Patrick abroad, as he or any can be ; 
he is afraid he has played out his game in the world, and desires 
nothing more than to go to some out-of-the-way place, not to be 
heard of again. He is in hopes, with some reason, that his nearest 
friend at home will get what justly belongs to her, and with that 
they will be able to make shift to keep themselves from down- 
right want, or giving cause of envy to any who has not that help, 
and wants what they think Martel may keep from them of what 
Patrick has to bestow. This would never keep Martel from doing 
what he could to serve Patrick, if the time should ever come, 
wherein he could be of use to him, as perhaps it may yet be, and 
it will be seen that he will never serve another interest." 

Early in June the Earl Marischall was expected at 
Avignon every day. There was little to keep him, dis- 
appointed and impecunious as he was, in the Paris of 
that moment, a whirlpool of dissipation under the 
profligate Regent, the Jacobite party rent by the King's 
dismissal, on the advice of the Queen, of Atterbury 
and the English Jacobites, of Bolingbroke in March, 
and the falling away of Berwick. These, Inese feared, 
might lure him into a cabal against Mar's influence with 
the King. But, the Earl having given his advice to 
the Queen " that it was throwing money away to send 
more arms to Scotland," and having begged her to 
send a ship to fetch off General Gordon from Uist, 
preferred to go at once to his King. 


No plotter, but essentially a man of action, he longed 
for further work for the cause. There was activity 
among the Stuart party, despite the recent failure. 
A new rising was projected, to take place simultaneously 
in England and Scotland. James's admiral, the Duke 
of Leeds, was sounding the fleet. Atterbury, Sir 
Henry Goring, Ezekiel Hamilton, and Lord Arran were 
active in England. Ormonde was to take command, 
and the King to venture again. 

France having proved a broken reed, Sweden was 
now to be tried. Surely that gallant warrior, Charles 
XII, was one to strike a blow for an exiled brother 
sovereign ! Moreover, the Triple Alliance had deprived 
Sweden of Bremen and Verdun, and set her against 
England. The Swedish ministers in Paris and London 
were in touch with the English Jacobites, who sub- 
scribed over 30,000. 

Meanwhile Mar was growing more angry over the 
Earl MarischalFs strictures. 

The Duke of Mar writes to Inese, June 9th, 1716, that 
he has 

" Been expecting Musgrave every day. ... If they have nothing 
more to say than I have yet heard, it is very easily answered to 
their shame, and I am sure they can have nothing to say further, 
but of a piece with what I have already heard. People some- 
times, when they think it for their interest, resolve to be angry 
with a man and run him down, then endeavour to find reasons 
to give the world for being so, being ashamed to own the true one. 
There is but one way in his power to make the reparation for what 
he has already said, and that he is perhaps unwilling to do, but 
Martel is firmly resolved at this time to do nothing that can give 
Patrick uneasiness, nor to add to the misfortunes of his present 
situation. I am glad Lord Edward pretends, at least, to be Mar- 
tel's friend, but if the information I have from several hands be 
true, he was no more so than the other, and I am surprised to hear 
that his eldest brother, since he came to Paris, seems not in good 


humour with Martel either, and you know what we heard of the 
second brother, when I was with you, so it seems to be a formed 
family quarrel. ... I wrote a compliment to the eldest brother 
upon his father's death, in which I likewise said a little of Musgrave, 
but I have as yet no answer." 

However, Inese hoped, on the Earl MarischalFs 
arriving in Avignon, to hear "the comfortable news 
from Martel of his having come to an eclaircissement 
with Musgrave, and that all that family is in a right 
understanding amongst themselves." 

Mar was so hurt by MarischalFs conduct that he 
professed himself wishful to retire 

" Because of the things said about him. ... I should not, though, 
have expected that I should be so served by the man who is the 
principal of it ... if you have not already heard who it is, I believe 

you will be surprised when I tell you t'is Lord M 1, but he has not 

I know already gained much by it at home, and perhaps he will get 
as little reputation by it with those that know our story on this 
side of the water, and I am not the first who has been mistaken 
in a man. . . ." 

To yet another correspondent, Hooke, he wrote : 

" I am told you have heard a great deal of two certain lords who 
had taken a great deal of pains to vindicate their own conduct, 
and blame the K g's, and those about him, and that you think 
they gain ground." 

Poor James, always obliged to pour oil on troubled 
waters among his followers, wished for an account of 
what he heard they said, as otherwise it is 

" Impossible to cure or help the mischief they may do ; but, if we 
know it, in my opinion 'tis as easy to answer all they can say on 
this side the water, and prevent its being of ill consequence, as to 
what they have wrote to the other side, where their reputation is 
pretty low." 


At Avignon the Earl Marischall once more met his 
King, who was very pleased to welcome him. He also 
found Ormonde at the Papal city. The companionship 
of his old commander and the mutual trust and attach- 
ment which had subsisted between them since the 
Flanders days, somewhat compensated for the irksome- 
ness of finding himself with Mar, under the strained 
relations which subsisted between them in the small 
entourage Court it could hardly be called of James at 

When the Earl Marischall reached Avignon Mar 
averred that he preferred a new complaint, namely : 

" That Mar, when he came to Scotland, had sent him a message 
by Lord John Drummond to tell him that James had sent orders 
that Mar and he should act jointly, in what related to the King's 
service ; but that, notwithstanding this, he had taken no notice of 
him, and had not consulted him more than others of his rank." 

We have seen, however, at Aboyne, when the Council 
was mapping out the rising, that Marischall was in 
no way offended that Mar took the command of the 
proceedings, that he in no way put himself forward, 
or showed a wish to act as other than Mar's lieutenant. 
If he had thought himself injured would he not have 
said so through Lord John Drummond when he arrived 
at Aboyne, or sent a message to the King by Lord John 
when the latter returned to James ? No feeling of being 
in any way slighted appeared in all the messages which 
passed between the Earl and Mar during the interval 
between the meeting at Aboyne and the raising of the 
Standard at Braemar, or in the many letters the Earl 
wrote at that time in calling upon those with whom 
he had influence to join the rising. All through that 
time there was perfect amity between them. 

Qui s'excuse s'acause. Mar maintained that if he 


had given the King wrong advice, it was not for the 
Marischall, " who had received so many services from 
Mar, to speak of him in harsh terms and talk of securing 
his papers." 

On the other hand, Mar pointed out, quite rightly, 
that the King had consulted the Earl Marischall as to 
his escaping to France, and though both he and Mar 
wished to remain, they were ordered to go, and that, 
as the Earl actually came to the quay, but missed the 
boat, " it was not fair of him to say afterwards that 
he did not wish to sail and to blame the others for 

Mar further stated that the King knew that Mar 
wished to give out that James was leaving, but that 
General Gordon advised secrecy. 

All through the hot summer in the Rhone Valley the 
mutual recriminations went on. The Earl Marischall, 
now feeling the result of the hardships he had under- 
gone, was ill from the time he reached Avignon. 

" The King wished the Earl and Mar to live in outward civility 
together, till he spoke further of it, which they have done, and 
Martel has sent to enquire after his health every day since he has 
been ill, and went last night and waited on him ; but Musgrave 
has not yet come to enquire after him, though he is now abroad, 
and upon the whole I do not see that Musgrave has a mind to 
have the thing taken away or made up." 

Mar wrote that he wished to have the matter laid 
before the King and Ormonde in private, for James 
to settle. But he adds that Marischall implies that he 
has forgotten what he said against Mar, and denies all 
but the message by Lord John. Mar maintained that 
he did not want any one sent away from the King, or 
in a bad humour, but hinted that he thought that he, 
Mar, had better travel, as it was " impossible in nature 


for him and Musgrave to live long together the way 
they are now." 

But though Mar wrote that Marischall had formed a 
party against him, encouraged by Berwick and Boling- 
broke, he maintained that 

" This is not a time for these folks to be quarrelling among them- 
selves," and he resolved " not to do so with none of them for any- 
thing under a box on the ear, so ever since Marischall and he met 
nothing but civilities have passed and James has behaved to him 
just as he used to do, and so he has nothing to complain of." 

Evidently James, from their first meeting at Fetteresso, 
had been attracted to the Earl Marischall, a young man 
about his own age, and most of his advisers were older. 
James, weak and ever leaning on some stronger 
character, was attracted by Marischall. But the latter, 
on the other hand, had nothing in common with his 
King. Marischall 's Jacobitism was founded on prin- 
ciple and not on a person. 

Mar grew uneasy when he heard that the Earl 
Marischall, better in health, and weary of inaction at 
Avignon, had decided to return to Paris, though it 
was kept a " dead secret," and " looks like corre- 
sponding with Bolingbroke. James ought to know." 

In the autumn Lord John Drummond came to the 
rescue and tried to make peace by explaining that he 
thought Mar had given a verbal commission to the Earl, 
jointly to manage James's affairs, and that on the Duke's 
refusal, he, Lord John, thought that the commission 
remained with Mar and the Earl jointly, and regretted 
that his mistake had caused misunderstanding. 

Mar remained unappeased. He wrote that the 
" whole affair was very unaccountable, but as I never 
gave any cause for it, so the general interest shall 
never suffer on my account, and I shall not be to blame 


if we be not as united as ever." He added that he 
did not " understand what you mean by a verbal 

Other Jacobites wrote about the great quarrel ; their 
epistolary activity in compiling these long, involved 
letters full of mysterious cypher names, is really more 
in evidence than their political energy. 

" Honest John " Straton wrote from Edinburgh to 
Inese that he 

" Is sorry to hear of family differences, whose great interest it is to 
be united, and, though the generality of mankind are apt to judge 
more by success than by reason or justice, I do not suspect Mr, 
Moor [Earl Marischall] to be amongst that number, nor can I find 
a reason why he, of all men, should complain of Mr. Montague 
[Mar] ; it must be upon some mistake, misinformation, or ill counsel ; 
if by the last, whoever they are, they were (abstracting from all 
other considerations) very unkind to him, in advising a young man 
only beginning to enter upon business to attack one of great and 
approven abilities and good experience, which may impair Moor's 
good character that was growing fast. 

" I doubt not that Montague will be ready to sacrifice his just 
resentment to the peace of the family, but young men are commonly 
tenacious of what they conceive to be a point of honour, therefore 
I wish no outward formal peace may be made up, but a hearty, frank, 
sincere one, which only can be lasting," 

and advised that Inese should mediate. 



LORD STAIR, the British Minister at Paris, got wind, 
late in 1716, of the Jacobite-Swedish intrigues. He 
took the drastic measure of causing the arrest of Count 
Gyllenburg, Charles XII's envoy in London. Sweden 
was boycotted commercially by England, and the Act 
of Indemnity to those concerned in the late rising was 
postponed till July. 

There is no doubt that through Lord Stair, a fellow 
Scot, the Earl Marischall might have been included in 
that Act. A Pardon was sent to him and Southesk 
at Avignon, and " rejected with contempt." He would 
have no traffic in " pardons/' and commented sadly 
on the failure of help from Charles, that " a King 
without states and power has nothing to hope for from 
his august brethren/' 

Walpole now stipulated with the Regent that the 
Chevalier should remove to a spot less central for in- 
trigue and farther from Paris than Avignon. In 
February James, accompanied by Mar, and Colonel 
John Hay, who was undermining Mar's influence, 
crossed the Alps and settled for the nonce at the remote 
and solitary eerie of Urbino in the Apennines. Ormonde 
and Tullibardine returned to Paris, and the Earl Mari- 
schall went with them. 

He found his young brother, who had rejected his 



proffered Pardon from King George " with contempt," 
still at the Academy, and burning with military ardour. 
The Chevalier, anxious to soothe the Keiths' ruffled 
feelings, and, as ever, pouring oil on the jealousies and 
quarrels of his adherents, sent James Keith a commis- 
sion as Colonel of Horse. 

"I had a mind that nothing should be wanting on my part," 
writes James Paterson, who had returned from Italy and the 
Chevalier, and was entrusted to prepare it, to Mar, " so I went 
immediately to his brother and desired him to give me his direc- 
tion how he would have it done, which I received from him, and, 
after it was signed, I went to his lodgings and presented it to him, 
in the ci vilest manner possible I could. He was very courteous ; 
I had three or four bows, and I believe half a dozen compliments." 

So all was well ; for James had been as outspoken 
over Mar as his brother. 

The Earl Marischairs feelings towards Mar, however, 
were only dormant. On his return to Paris he " opened 
his heart " to Brigadier Campbell, who had shared all 
his recent adventures in Scotland, and 

" Made mention of Paterson " (one of Mar's party) " with some 
indignation. Paterson went to his bed, and I was told next morn- 
ing he had rested very well all night. I need not tell you what 
passed between Mohun [the Earl Marischall] and Campbell ; it was 
just the old story over again of the message by Lord John Douglas, 
etc. The Brigadier expressed to M.g. [Earl Marischall] his dislike 
of these proceedings, and afterwards came and told it to Parryfield 
[Paterson]. I wish, indeed, he had not been quite so plain with 
Mohun, for I now presume he'll get no more of his mind, and I 
am pretty much at a loss on this account, though I believe it no 
great matter." 

But soon the thin-skinned Earl Marischall had a 
fresh grievance there is no denying that he was some- 


what to blame in all these bickerings. Despite the 
fears that Sweden might prove as broken a reed as 
France, the Jacobites did not cease to plan the simul- 
taneous invasion of England and Scotland. 

Ormonde, the eldest adherent to the cause, who had 
suffered first and most, was to command the expedition 
against England. The Marquis of Tullibardine, as heir 
of the Duke of Athol, and who had sided against his 
own father, was considered the most suitable leader 
for the force destined for Scotland. The Earl Marischall 
appears to have been jealous of Tullibardine ; it was 
the beginning of an ill-feeling destined a little later to 
bear bitter fruit. 

The contrast that spring in Paris between the whirl 
of gaiety and dissipation in society under the profligate 
Regent and his daughters, the wealth of France grow- 
ing by leaps and bounds under the necromancy of John 
Law who had just started his Mississippi scheme, and 
was turning his bank into the Bank of France and the 
miserable state of things at St. Germains must have 
been sad indeed. A crowd of wretched Scotchmen and 
Irishmen, mostly of good family, had made for safety 
to what had been the Court of the Stuarts. But " the 
King " had been driven to Italy, the Queen-Mother, 
broken-hearted, lived chiefly in the convent at Chaillot. 
It was a choice between the scaffold and the hangman 
in England, and starvation at St. Germains. The poor 
Queen had sold all her jewels to supply the needs of 
the ever-increasing exiles. But the Regent, spending 
money like water upon his vices, kept her pension 
months in arrears. Marischall himself was constantly 
obliged to help, as best he could, men who had served 
under him in the late rising, and even chiefs like 
Clanranald, to whose protection he had been greatly 
indebted for safety. 


" We were miserable enough," wrote the late Athlone Herald, 
James Tyrry, who had been with James II at the Boyne, " when 
you and your brother Billy were here ; but it is nothing in com- 
parison of the misery which we endure now, our King being in 
Italy and the Queen-Dowager at Chaillot. We suffer miserably; 
no credit to help us, nothing but Divine Providence." 

In June Ormonde set of? on an abortive expedition 
to the Russian and Swedish Courts to attempt to 
arrange a marriage for James, and the Earl Marischall, 
still nursing his grudge against Mar and Tullibardine, 
sought an inexpensive refuge at Liege and Louvain, 
with General Hamilton and Lord Nithsdale, just escaped 
from the Tower of London, and other prominent 

James, with Hay as Grand Vizier, had now taken up 
his residence at the Palazzo dei Apostoli at Rome, 
bestowed upon him by the Pope. He wrote to Mar at 
Avignon : "I have been here two days, and I think 
my being here a dream, and I wish it were one ; but 
alas ! it is not, and here I am." 

He was not hopeful as to the proposed expedition 

" Though the affairs with England seem to mend every day, yet I 
think that the King of Sweden is but too surely over for this bout. 
All I have therefore to say to you now in relating to what you 
say of the Earl Marischall, etc., for I find you are under a great 
mistake as to that affair, for whatever you take unkindly in it is 
not due to Ormonde but to me, for it was I that made the disposi- 
tions after Hay's arrival. 

" Ormonde did not approve what the other proposed, for whether 
he would have proposed the Earl MarischalPs and General Hamil- 
ton's going along with him is more than I can tell. 

" The reasons for my proposing were as follows : I thought that 
the two gentlemen deserved some particular distinction, their case 
being particular in all respects, and particularly the first's personal 
ill behaviour towards me and Mar made me think it necessary to 


shew him that that did not stick with me, and had I done other- 
wise we should both of us have had our blame. After this I knew 
Hamilton w'ld not be very welcome with Scotland, and that the 
Earl Marischall w'ld never agree with Tullibardine, and I had also 
in my view the preventing of the Earl MarischalPs venting his 
spleen against Mar in his own country, though at the same time, 
having explained my thoughts to Ormonde, I left those two gentle- 
men entirely to his disposal. But I own to you, I never could 
imagine that the case of the Earl MarischalPs going to England 
could ever be uneasy to Mar upon the footing he himself proposed 
to go, which would free them from all underfaring [interfering ?] 
one with another, so that, on the whole, Ormonde is absolutely 
blameless, and if there is any fault it lies at my door, tho' I am 
sure I meant nothing but kindness to you, after the good of my 
own service. ... I hope in God all this will not make new tra- 
casserie among you. . . ." 

Hay, now much in the ascendant with James, wrote 
to Mar that he 

" Would see that it was not proper for the Earl Marischall to 
go along with Tullibardine for several reasons I need not mention, 
and his being left behind would have made the world believe that 
he was neglected out of revenge. I think most of the arguments of 
his discontent touched K.I. [James] as well as Mar, and I fancy 
the design of Peter's [James's] ordering him the way he is gone 
was that no resentment might appear either from Pastrella [James] 
or Mar, and I think Mar need not be at all uneasy about any en- 
deavours Earl Marischall can make use of to his disadvantage, 
for I believe nothing of that kind will take with England." 

All hope of Sweden faded out. Ormonde returned 
from the north without a bride for James ; the Courts 
of the Czar and of Stockholm both refusing to receive 
him. The Jacobite party was in very low water. 

Mar, wandering about on vague and mysterious 
errands for his King, came to Liege ; the Earl Marischall 
was boring himself exceedingly at Louvain. To him 
wrote Mar, anxious to make up the feud : 


NEAR LIEQE, September 1st, 1717. 

" It having been thought fit for me, on account of some of the 
King's affairs, to come to this country, where I learn you are, I 
thought myself obliged to let you know of it, in case there be any- 
thing of which we can inform one another, that may be of use to 
the King's service. I am obliged to be here very privately, very 
few know of it, nor is it fit it should be known to more. The affairs 
I came about have taken such a turn I shall not be kept here as 
long as I thought, but it is likely I may be hereabouts these ten 
or twelve days to wait the return of some letters, and to drink the 
waters ; then I am to set out to attend His Majesty, as he has ordered 
me. It is not in my power to go where you are, and I am un- 
willing to trouble you to come here, if what we may have to say 
can be done by writing ; anything will come safe to me under our 
friend Charles's cover, who sends this. If you want to be informed 
of anything in my power to tell you, or have anything to inform 
me of in relation to the King's service not fit to be trusted to a 
letter, I shall be very glad to see you here, and I suppose you may 
contrive it so that your coming may be without any observation 
that can be of prejudice either as to you or me, and in the mean- 
time I shall be glad to hear of you. 

" When I saw the Duke of Ormonde as he was coming this way 
I desired him to make my compliments to you, as I suppose he 
would do. He was well the last time I heard from him, and pro- 
ceeding on his journey through Germany, and I have heard since 
he was well at Ulm. 

" Last time I heard from our Master he was some days returned 
to his summer quarters, and was never better in his health. I do 
not know if you heard a piece of news which I believe would sur- 
prise you, as it did me, and I cannot imagine what he designs by it, 
I mean the Duke of Gordon's coming abroad. It seems he finds 
living at home not very agreeable, even now after he has made his 
peace and being in favour with the Government, and so resolves to 
make the tour he said he intended two years ago, which I have 
many a time wished he had not then been kept from making. But 
these things are over." 

The Earl replied civilly from Louvain that he would 
" with a great deal of pleasure " tell anything about 
the King's service, that he would " never reckon any- 
thing a trouble for the advancement of his affairs." 


Mar replied that he only wished to help matters on, 
and to take any commands for Italy, whither he 
was shortly bound. 

But Mar was not mollified. He wrote complaining 
to Ormonde that he had written the Earl Marischall 
" as civil a letter as he could, but by the answer, which 
is dry enough, I do not believe that I shall have the 
honour of seeing him at this time. Those who do 
injuries are commonly longest in forgiving." 

However, after another " civil letter " from Mar, the 
Earl came to Liege and stayed three days with Mar 

" And all the time appeared in a very good temper and as easy as 
could be. I told him he might write to Ormonde, which he did 
not know, and he asked my advice what he should do, which I told 
him was to wait somewhere hereabouts till he should hear from 
Ormonde. So he is gone to-day to Rheims, where he desired me 
to tell the King he desires to stay some months for the language, 
if he pleased, and if Ormonde did not send for him. I hope," Mar 
adds to the King, " you will think I have done in this all that 
could be expected, and perhaps more than some others would, but 
I thought it for the King's service. Notwithstanding this, his 
grudge to me is still the same, as you shall judge when I see you, 
so all that Mar or anybody else for him can do that way is plainly 

News filtered through to England and Scotland of 
the " discontents." 

Strahan, Mar's Edinburgh correspondent, " is sorry 
to hear of disagreements " ; he cannot comprehend that 
the Earl Marischall had any reason to complain or plot 
against Mar, and 

" Doubted not that it was ill counsel. ... I have very particular 
respect for his family and himself, and am truly sorry he should 
have the least concern in such matters, and most heartily wish he 
may soon be sensible >f his mistake, and sincerely and fervently 
do his best to make amends." 


Marischall being " wearied of fflanders, gott leave to 
come to Paris, and having met with the Duke of 
Ormonde, said he desired his Grace to try if there could 
be any service gott for him in Spain/' 

He was indeed weary of inaction, and it made him 
bitter and irritable. He only spent a night at St. 
Germains, when he did reach Paris. Against Inese he 
was " very much prejudiced because of his interfering." 
He went to see the Queen, and then left for Rheims, 
intending to spend the winter there, and took his 
brother with him. The Chevalier, from Urbino, wrote 
that he thought he " was quite right in making himself 
master of the French, and that he could stay there for 
some months if Ormonde did not write for him." 

In the following spring the good Queen Maria Bea- 
trix's long life of trials and disappointments ended. 
Her French pension died with her ; the Regent declined 
to continue it to her son, and James was now practically 
a pensioner on the Pope's charity. 

All hope of help from France and Sweden had died 
out, but an unexpected gleam came from Spain. 
Alberoni, with his far-flung designs for the aggrandize- 
ment of his adopted land, was determined to drive the 
Austrians out of Naples and Sicily, the Italian posses- 
sions guaranteed them by the Treaty of Utrecht. He 
was eagerly seconded by the clever Italian princess 
whom he had placed on the throne of Spain, and who 
coveted Naples for her second son. 

England, however, was pledged to enforce the treaty, 
and, as a counter-stroke to Alberoni's preparations, sent 
a fleet to the Sicilian waters. Admiral Byng desired 
Spain to withdraw her forces ; when she scornfully re- 
fused he, without declaration of war, destroyed her 
fleet off Cape Pessaro. The smouldering grudges be- 
tween England and Spain leapt into flame. 


Alberoni, in retaliation, decided to actively support 
the Jacobites. That he owed his Cardinal's hat to 
James's interest with the Pope also influenced him for 
the exiled King's cause. Secretly, in November 1718, 
he invited Ormonde to Spain. 

Without acquainting the Pretender's Court at Rome, 
Ormonde instantly started. Disguised, he quitted 
Paris and safely crossed the frontier into Spain ; but his 
secretary was arrested and spent five weeks in prison. 
On December 1st the Duke reached Madrid and re- 
ceived a warm welcome from the Cardinal, with whom 
he concerted measures. Alberoni undertook to send 
him to England with a Spanish force, and to equip a 
small expedition to Scotland. 

Ormonde then laid before James the plans which 
were being evolved. He wrote to him that Alberoni 
said that : 

" There would have to be a diversion made in Scotland. I de- 
manded from him two to three thousand men, he asked if there were 
any man of consideration to go with them. I told him of the 
Earl Marischall, who was in Paris, and he desired me to write to 
him to come with all possible dispatch and as privately as possible." 

Ormonde also wrote in cypher to Dillon, James's 
agent in Paris : 

" My brother Samson [Ormonde] told me he shou'd be very glad 
to see the two young Students you mention, and to do them all 
the good he can. . . ." 

" Before he quitted Paris Ormonde had discover' d this design of 
his journey to the Earl Marischall," writes James Keith, " and had 
promised him that if there were anything to be done in Britain, or 
if the Cardinal wou'd take him into the Spanish service, he would 
immediately write to him." 

With what rejoicing of heart must not Marischall 
have received this letter from Ormonde, written only a 

From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 



week after his arrival in Madrid, asking the Keiths to 
join him at Valladolid, where he had been ordered " to 
remain private/' 

" I desire you will give yourself the trouble to come and meet 
your humble servant. Pray ask the bearer for an address how to 
write to me, and he will give you one that will inform you where 
you may find me. If you please to bring your Brother with you 
he will be welcome. Pray keep your Journey a Secret ; let not any 
one know where you are going." 

The letter found the Earl Marischall just leaving 
Paris to join the Jacobite coterie at Avignon. James 
Keith had recently been disappointed of a commission 
in the Russian service, which he had applied for when 
the Czar had visited Paris the year before. 

The discovery of the Cellamare plot, planned by the 
Spanish Minister of that name in Paris, and by the Due 
and Duchesse of Maine and others disaffected towards 
the Regent, had ignited the conflagration between the 
latter and his cousin of Spain. England, at last, 
declared war against Spain in December, and France 
followed suit in January 1719. 

Alberoni hastened measures, pushed on the equip- 
ment of his fleet at Cadiz ; James was notified of his 
unlooked-for assistance, and invited to accompany or 
follow the expedition to England. 

By the middle of January the Cardinal was pleased 
to receive a letter from Ormonde, lying perdu at Valla- 
dolid, informing him that " . . . le seigneur Ecosois qui 
vous maves fait envoyer chercher et (sic) parti de Paris 
le 30 me du mois passe pour serendre a Madrid. . . ." 

A few days later he added : ' . . . I am eagerly 
awaiting the Earl Marischall in order that he may set 
out for his country with the arms." 



THE weary exile, which had lasted more than two years 
and a half, embittering, exasperating, corroding, keen 
young lives, must now have seemed to the Keiths to 
be over. Eager, expeditious, but also profoundly 
secretive, they hurried off immediately upon receipt 
of Ormonde's letter, which had taken no less than 
three weeks to cross the frontier to Paris. 

They went down by Avignon to Marseilles, embarked 
there at the beginning of January 1719, " and, after 
some bad weather, arrived at Palamos on the coast of 

" Howsoon we landed," chronicles the younger brother, "we 
were carried before the Commandant, who asked us what we were 
and whence we came. We told him we came from France, but as 
to the other question, answer'd only that we were English officers 
who were going to Madrid to seek employment in the army, for 
the Duke had desir'd us to keep our journey private. He then 
asked us if we had any recommendation to any at the Court of 
Madrid, and, finding we had, or at least wou'd own none, he told us 
he cou'd let us go no further, for that coming from an enemies' 
country, and giving so lame an account of ourselves, he must send 
us to the next governor, who was D n Tiberio Caraffa, Governor of 
Giron, who might dispose of us as he thought fit, and that there 
being then an Irish regiment in that place, commanded by the Duke 
of Liria, perhaps we might find some of our countrymen who 
might answer for us. The news of the Duke of Liria's being so 



near was no little agreeable to us, and we told him we asked for 
no better, for that the Duke would answer for us. 

" Accordingly, next morning, we were sent to Gironne with a letter 
to the Governor, and a soldier whom he told us he sent along because 
the roads were infested by robbers, but in reality to take care we 
did not make our escape." 

The Duke of Liria was the grandson of James II, 
and subsequently offered his services to Ormonde in 
connection with the expedition now afoot. 

" We arrived there in the evening, and, having delivered the letter 
to the Governor, he ordered us to be carried to the Duke's quarters 
to be examined, who was no little surprized at our appearance, 
and immediately sent to acquaint the Governor that he answer' d 
for the two gentlemen, but concealed our names at the request of 
the Earl Marischall. We lodged that night with him, and finding 
him altogether ignorant of any intended enterprize on England, 
we concluded that we were sent for only to enter into the King of 
Spain's service, and therefore resolved to continue our road slowly 
to Madrid, without fatiguing ourselves by going post. We accord- 
ingly hired chairs there, and two days after arriv'd at S n Andrew, 
hard by Barcelona, and from thence sent a letter from the Duke of 
Liria to Prince Pia of Savoy, who was the Captain General of that 
province, begging him to allow us to come in to that town without 
being examined at the Posts ; and about an hour after we saw a 
coach and 6 mules (the first equipage of the kind I had ever seen) 
with the Prince's livery at the door of our inn. This surprised us 
and still more the respects his Doctor, whom he had sent in his 
coach to receive us, paid to the strangers he had never seen. The 
reason, which we did not know till long after, was, that some days 
before he had receiv'd a letter from the Cardinal that King James 
would arrive very soon in some of the Ports of Catalonia incognito ; 
that he shou'd receive him in the same manner, and take care to 
provide everything for the despatch of his journey to Madrid. 
This, with the Duke of Liria's letter, occasioned our entry into 
Barcelona in this manner ; and I believe he was sorry to have 
given himself so much trouble about us, when he knew who we 
were, yet he receiv'd us very civilly, though with some embarras. 

"As we did not open ourselves farther to him than telling our 
true names, so he told us no more than that he believed it wou'd be 


fit we set out immediately for Madrid, which we did next morning, 
after viewing the new citadelle he was building, and which he 
allowed us to visit ; and after fifteen days' journey we arriv'd at 
that place, and the same evening sent to acquaint the Cardinal 

The Cardinal had been informed that the Earl Mari- 
schall had set foot in Spain by a letter from Ormonde 
at Valladolid. 

"... I have a letter from the Earl Marischall from Frega, dated 
January 28th. He tells me that he will be at Madrid in ten days. 
I hope, sir, you will do him the honour to give him an audience. 
He will be able to tell you of the condition of Scotland, for he is well 
informed and has much influence in that country. If you have 
arms to give him for Scotland he will take charge of them for trans- 

Two days later he wrote : 

"... I suppose you have seen the Earl Marischall. If you do 
not employ him to take arms into Scotland I beg you to send him 
to me. . . ." 

The Cardinal ordered the Keiths 

" To attend him early next morning ; and we had no sooner made 
our reverence than he asked us why we had been so long on the way, 
it being eight days since he had accounts from Barcelona of our 
being there. We answer'd that, though we had been desired to 
come to Spain, yet, not knowing that his Eminence had any pressing 
commands for us, we had come by the ordinary way of travelling 
of the country. He told us that the business pressed ; that it was 
to execute an enterprize on England in favour of its lawful master ; 
that the Duke of Ormonde was already sent out to embark at The 
Groine for England ; and it was resolved the Earl Marischall 
shou'd go to Scotland ; but that he must know what he wanted 
for the expedition, and in what manner he designed to act when 
there ; to which the other answer'd : that he did not know the 
plan the other had laid down, and as both parts must go in concert, 
he begged leave to go to Valladolid, where the Duke then was, and 


that in three or four days he shou'd be back, fully instructed in 
everything that might conduce to the good of the affair ; to which 
the Cardinal consented, and order'd immediately post horses to 
be brought that he might set out without loss of time ; and desir'd 
me to stay in Madrid, in case he might have occasion to speak to 
me in the other's absence." 

Five days after the Earl returned, having been 
obliged to follow the Duke of Ormonde to Benevento, 
and immediately went to the Cardinal and settled the 
plan of the undertaking. He was offered the rank of 
Lieutenant-General in the Spanish service. 

To the surprise and edification of Alberoni, himself 
so corrupt, and but little used to dealing with high- 
minded people, the young Scotsman made this reply 
to the wicked old ecclesiastic : 

" I beg the King to wait to bestow upon me, or upon 
my brother, such a high rank, till we have deserved 
it in his service." 

The Earl Marischall " asked for 4,000 men and 10,000 
pistoles ; but the furnishing the Duke of Ormonde had 
so drained their magazines, as well as their treasury, 
that all he could get was 2,000 arms and 5,000 pistoles, 
with six companies of foot to cover his landing." 

The Earl brought back a letter to Alberoni from Or- 
monde, who was on his way to Coruna to be picked up 
thence by the fleet. 

" So, The Earl Marischall found me here last night. I am 
very glad that you are giving him 2,000 muskets and the powder 
you mentioned. He will propose that you should give him 300 
men. If you are pleased to agree to this, I am sure it will have 
a very good effect, for when these few men have arrived, the talk of 
the country will make them 3,000, which will oblige the enemy to 
keep a large number of troops in that country, and the rumour of 
the regular troops being in that country will have a very good effect. 
The number is inconsiderable in this country, but it will be of great 
importance in Scotland." 


It will be noticed that the Duke of Ormonde's force 
was to be the main army against England, and that 
that country was to bear the brunt of the invasion 
about to be launched. The handful of men whom the 
Earl Marischall was to lead were merely intended to 
fan the ashes of a rising still supposed to be smoulder- 
ing in the Highlands, and the Earl Marischall was held 
to be the man of most influence, and who was to supply 
the motive power. 

On the same date as the above, Ormonde wrote to 
the Duke of Gordon, who, as Marquis of Huntley, 
had at the beginning of the rising of 1715 played such 
an important part, only to fall away so woefully under 
stress of disaster. Ormonde was extremely anxious 
to instigate him to renewed activity. 


" I am so much convinced of your Grace's zeal and readiness 
for the King's Service that I make no doubt of Your Grace's joining 
yr interest with my Ld Marischall' s for endeavouring the restoring 
of His Majesty. I hope in God to Land in England with a body of 
regular Troops which will draw most of the Enemies' to oppose us, 
but your Grace and Ld Marischall's taking up Arms, with as many 
of your Friends and well affected people, will make a good diversion, 
and contribute greatly to the hoped-for success, which the Justice 
of our Cause gives us reason to expect, and with the Blessing of 
God do not doubt of. My Ld Marischall go's to you with Arms and 
Ammunition. The King designs to go to England, his Presence being 
absolutely necessary. 

" Pray God send us a good meeting. . . . P.S. This goes by 
Ld Marischall, being the first that go's to Scotland ; the rest of 
Your Graces' Countrymen will follow as soon as they possibly can." 

The Chevalier now quitted Rome secretly, pointing 
northwards. He then separated from Mar and Perth, 
who went on to the north and were eventually arrested, 
while he himself, disguised as a courier, embarked at 
Nettuno. Horrible weather beset him as he coasted 


along the Riviera. Ormonde, moving on towards 
Coruna, was anxious. 

" You will have seen the Earl Marischall," he writes to Alberoni, 
" and will have received what I had the honour to send you on the 
evening of my departure. I am astonished that there is no news 
of Mr. Peter [James]. I am very anxious about him ; God grant that 
he has not been at sea during this bad weather." 

Meanwhile, with the usual Spanish dilatoriness 
Manana the great Armada that Alberoni was pre- 
paring against England, was behindhand in its readi- 
ness to sail. It consisted of five men-of-war, escorting 
twenty transports, carrying from five to six thousand 
men and arms for 30,000 more. The Duke of Ormonde 
had been given a commission as Spanish Captain- 
General in Command. 

The fleet was delayed a whole month, and did not 
leave Cadiz till March 7th. Two days later the Pre- 
tender set foot in Spain after an adventurous journey 
during which he had been nearly captured by two 
English frigates. 

The day before the Earl Marischall sailed from Pass- 
ages on the French frontier, near S. Sebastian, with two 
frigates bearing arms, money, 288 rank and file, and 
19 officers of Don Pedro de Castro's regiment of foot. 

James Keith had been sent off alone three weeks 
before on a delicate and dangerous errand to apprise 
the Jacobite exiles at Bordeaux, Orleans, and Paris, 
of what was afoot. Only one of the leaders, Brigadier 
Campbell of Ormidale, the Earl MarischalFs former 
companion in his wanderings in the Western Isles, 
joined him at Passages; from Bordeaux, Seaforth, 
Tullibardine, Campbell of Glendaruel, and others, col- 
lected in the north of France, and sailed with James 
Keith from Havre on March 19th. 


Ormonde sent the Earl Marischall a valedictory letter 
from Sada near Coruna : 

" I hope this will find you at San Sebastian ready to embark, and 
that you have had reason to be satisfied with our friend Mr. Kobin- 
son [Alberoni]. I came to this place the night of the 24th, after 
a very tiresome journey. I have enclosed the letters that you 
thought necessary for the persons you mentioned ; wee have had 
terrible bad weather these last two days ; I hope in God the fleet 
has not been out at sea. 

" I have nothing more to trouble you with at this time, but to 
wish you a safe passage, and that we may meet with the success 
y* the justice of the cause deserves. I am, with great truth, yours, 
etc., etc." 

The Duke sat anxiously at Coruna anglice, The 
Groyne watching for the fleet he had been expecting 
for a month past. He was perturbed about the Earl 
Marischall also. The wind was contrary, and news 
came that he had been obliged to put into Santander, 
which occasioned yet a further delay, and of eleven 
days ! 

Now the great object of Alberoni had been to catch 
the British Government napping. This lion-like March 
of tempests was playing havoc with his plans, delaying, 
and thus unmasking them. 

As the bad weather continued, poor Ormonde's 
expresses to his King and the Cardinal grew more and 
more despairing. " I have no news," he wrote on 

the 31st, " of E . I do not know if he has been 

able to leave Santander. Your Eminence will believe 
that I know all the ill consequences that will arise if 
this enterprise miscarries. It is now almost six o'clock, 
but no news of the fleet." 

He thought the expedition now hopeless. The delay 
had rendered the English Government prepared, though 
not alarmed. In the Channel the fleet were taking 


precautions ; troops had been sent to the West of 

It was now April 9th, and the fleet which Alberoni 
had promised should set sail on February 10th had 
only heaved anchor on March 16th. " But the wind is 
fair now/' reports Ormonde, " and the fleet is expected 
every hour." 

But, instead of the fleet, came woeful news. Off 
Finisterre on March 28th it encountered a terrific tem- 
pest " the Protestant wind," they called it in England 
which lasted for forty-eight hours, and scattered and 
wrecked the fleet. Once again, after a lapse of nearly 
a century and a half, the elements had vanquished 
an Armada. 

Alberoni, already somewhat half-hearted, now de- 
finitely gave up the enterprise. " I think," wrote 
Lord Stair from Paris, when the news became known, to 
Secretary Craggs in London, " we're intirely out of 
danger from ye Spanish invasion for this year ! " 

In ignorance of what had happened, the Earl Mari- 
schall with his two frigates, and his brother with the 
Jacobite lords in their twenty-five-ton barque, were 
pursuing their voyage to Scotland ! 

Ormonde's one thought now was to succour and 
support his brave young lieutenant whom he had sent 
single-handed to raise Scotland. The Chevalier, now 
at Madrid, spoke fair. He would try and do all he 
could to land in England, and, if impracticable, would 
make for Scotland. " I thought," Ormonde writes to 
the Cardinal, " that after the King and your Eminence 
had reflected with His Majesty, your Eminence would 
not wish to abandon the Earl Marischall and so many 
brave men who are with him as well as several others 
who have tried to reach that country." 

He sent ammunition to Uist, where the Earl would 


have made arrangements to receive it, and wrote that 
the King was sending one or two small ships with pro- 
visions. The Spanish Ambassador in Holland he or- 
dered " to send them arms and ammunition as they 
will have occasion, or to bring him and his people off 
if they should find it impossible to keep their ground." 
To James, after the worst of the storms, Ormonde 
wrote that 

" A ship was to be sent from San Sebastian to inform Marischall 
of the contretemps and to take his measures ; the Squadron can't now 
be ready for several months. This is the only means and quickest 
of communicating with the Earl Marischall, knowing that General 
Gordon and forty officers embarked at Bordeaux on two Swedish 
frigates with powder and provisions." 

Alberoni, though he had had a courier from Paris 
describing the alarm in England and the appeal for 
help from the Regent, told the Chevalier that he was 
informed that " there was much movement in Scot- 
land, and that according to Appearances that on the 
Arrival of the Earl Marischall the movement will be- 
come general, and that from every side good Scotch- 
men will start to return to their country/' 


AFTER delays at starting, and a tedious voyage, the 
Earl Marischall, with Brigadier Campbell of Ormidale, 
and Macdonald of Clanranald, who had both joined 
him from Bordeaux, and the two frigates, reached the 
Hebrides towards the end of March and cast anchor 
in Stornoway Harbour. Here they were joined early 
in April by the party who had embarked at Havre, 
and who had narrowly escaped capture by an English 
squadron off the Land's End. 

When they met James Keith told his brother news 
he had gleaned in Paris : how he " suspected the dis- 
position of some of the Company, who seemed dis- 
satisfied because the Duke of Mar had not been so much 
employed in it [the expedition] as they wished." 

Indeed, the whole scheme had been engineered in 
Spain by Ormonde on his own instigation, and the Court 
at Rome had not been informed till all was prepared. 
The Jacobites from Paris were under the influence of 
General Dillon, who belonged to the Mar camp in 
the party. So jealousy began at the very onset of the 

James, Keith, moreover 

" Had discover'd, while at sea, that the Marquis of Tullibardine had 
received, just before embarking, some commission from Mr. Dillon, 
but of what nature I did not know. He told me he had commissions, 



too, and at the same time gave me one of Collonel in the Spanish 
service, with blanck commissions for officers of two battalions, which 
I was to raise in Scotland in the King of Spain's name ; and assured 
me that he had never pretended to move then and there in the 
enterprize ; he was ready to obey any one who shou'd have a higher 
commission than his own, which was that of Major-General both 
in the English and Spanish service. 

" Next day they all mett " (this is Mar's version) " and Lord 
Marischall produced his instructions from the Duke of Ormonde, 
which gave power to him or any superior officer to make war upon 
the usurper when and where they thought most convenient ; accord- 
ingly His L sp proposed immediately goeing to arms without any 
regard to a landing " (by Ormonde) " in England, which for many 
reasons was against the opinion of the others present." 

Only Campbell of Ormidale sided with this keen 
young leader, who, doubtless, remembering Mar's sorry 
inactivity four years previously, at the beginning of 
his rising, determined not to fall into a similar error, 
or to await Ormonde's descent. 

The others considered 

" What a blow the Highlanders had received very few years be- 
fore, which was so fresh in the people's memory that they would not 
be easily brought to the field again without greater encouragement 
than what his L sp brought ; for to press things rashly on so slender 
a foundation might disconcert the King's affairs when a reall 
opportunity offer'd, beside mine any that would be so forward as 
to stir if the designes on England should happen to miscarry, 
which would prove a mighty disadvantage to his Majesty's interest, 
as well as being destructive on the countrey. My L d Marischall 
alleadged the Duke of Ormonde might be landed, and time would 
be lost if the Highlanders were not immediately call'd to arms. 

" The others sustain'd that a general riseing might be as quick 
and easier upon the certainty of a landing in England, a partial 
riseing being precarious ; besides that it could not answer the end 
of people's appearing for the service as things were stated." 

On this divergency of opinions followed the evil of 
divided authority. 


" The Marquises of Tullibardine and of Seaforth came and 
joined us next day [this is from James Keith], and in the evening 
held a council of war to resolve what was to be done. The Earl 
Marischall first asked to know what commission each had, that 
the command might be regulated, and Lord Tullibardine not owning 
his late commissions, the command remain'd in him, as oldest 
Major-General." (Tullibardine was also some seven years younger 
than the Earl Marischall.) " It was then disputed whether it was fit 
to go immediately to the mainland of Scotland, or to continue in these 
islands where we were till we had advice of the Duke of Ormonde's 
landing in England. This last party was much insisted on by Lord 
Tullibardine and Glendaruel, but, all the rest being against it, be- 
cause we might easily be block'd up in the isle by two or three of 
the enemies' ships, it was resolv'd to follow the project which the 
Earl had proposed to the Cardinal, to land as soon as possible in 
Scotland, and, with the Spaniards and the Highlanders who should 
first join us, march straight to Inverness, in which there was not 
above 300 of the enemies' foot, who wou'd be in no condition to oppose 
us, and there remain till we shou'd be joined to such a body of 
horse and foot as shou'd put us in a condition of marching to the 
more southern part of the Kingdome. 

" The Councill of war being at an end the Spanish troops were 
ordered to debark, that they might refraich themselves after a 
voyage of forty-two days, and it was resolved to sail for the main- 
land three days after. 

" But next morning Lord Tullibardine desired that a Council of 
war might once more be assembled, and, after having made a sort 
of speech, which no body understood but himself," comment 
James Keith, " he presented his commission of Lieutenant-General 
which he had from Dillon." 

The Earl Marischall acted on this unexpected and 
devious move of the Marquis's as might have been 
expected from his honest and unselfish character. 

Mar tells that he 

" Quite (sic) his pretensions to a sole command, but still insisted on 
haveing the charge of the ships contending he had receiv'd positive 
orders from Alberoni about them which created a good deal of 
trouble, though he was likewise oblidged to renounce any particular 


authority over them, and allso to give up most things else ; only 
his L sp retained a fifth part of the money which was sent for the 
publick use. He told, the Duke of Ormonde had desir'd him not 
to ask too much of the Cardinall, lest he should grant nothing, and 
that he only required the 300 men for a guard to the arms and 

The Marquis and the party from France 

" Made another tentative to perswade us to remain on the island 
till the Duke of Ormonde's landing ; but, finding every one protested 
against it, they finally acquiesced, though plenty against the grain. 
. . . However, it was with the greatest difficulty that his I/ p was 
persuaded to move." 

Having, however, come to the wise decision not to 
remain in the Lewis where they might be cut off, and 
where they were out of reach of news, they found it 
not so easy to get away. A contrary wind detained 
them some days, then they sailed 

" But could only fetch Gairloch, where there was only a rumour 
of a landing in England. However, supposing it to be certain, Lord 
Tullibardine wrote to the clans and gentlemen in the Highlands 
requiring them to goe to arms, and Glenderuell went by land to gett 
the letter deliver'd." 

Ormonde, when he wrote to the Duke of Gordon in 
February, also sent letters to Alastair Macdonald, to 
Glengarry, and to the Laird Maclean of Brolas, who 
had been in Queen Anne's army and was wounded at 
Sheriffmuir, " to assist my Lord Marischall to make 
a diversion in Scotland whilst I am in England with 
a body of Regular Troops of the King of Spain's 

Brolas, when the Earl Marischall landed, made some 
arrangements for sending off the McLeans in Mull, but 


being warned by J. Campbell, the Deputy Sheriff of 
Argyll, did not come out himself in 1719. 
Tullibardine wrote subsequently to Mar 

" That there had been no means untryed to get people together so 
as to keep life in the affair till we should have certain accounts of the 
expedition from Spain, or else the King's commands, which would 
enliven every body and make things go right ; in expectation of that 
with a great deal adoe a few of the clans were prevailed on to send 
some small assistance, which was gathering, that we might be able to 
keep together." 

The ships were detained at Gairloch for some days 

" But our chief, being impatient, order'd the signals to be given to 
way (sic) anchor, though our pilots declar'd that the wind was still 
contrary for the port we intended, which was not above ten leagues 
from thence. We soon found they were right, for we were not a 
league out of the bay when we cou'd neither continue the course 
we intended nor gain the harbour out of which we had come." 

Driven back to Stornoway, they were again delayed 
four days, " and then only made the poynt of Gairloch ; 
the next day the wind drove them again within four 
leagues of Stornoway"; but on the 13th, the wind 
changing, they ran across the Minch, up the Inner Sound 
of Skye, and up Loch Alsh, coming to an anchor that 
night at the Castle of Eileen Donan, a mansion keep on 
an island at the head of Loch Alsh, overlooking Loch 
Long and Loch Duich, and a stronghold of the Mac- 

Want of boats and arrangements for disembarking 
the troops and the ammunition now caused another 
delay of a fortnight. Huts were run up for shelter 
against the inclement northern spring, and the Spanish 
soldiers were put into the castle to mount guard over 
the arms and ammunition. 


The same day that the force landed Glendaruel re- 
turned " with a gentleman of no small consideration, 
who was hearty and very ready for the service the 
minute there came any certainty of the landing, and 
told that the advyce came from the King's friends both 
in Scotland and England." This strengthened Tulli- 
bardine and the French party in their reluctance to act. 

The Earl Marischall was for immediately advancing 
to surprise Inverness with his force and the 500 High- 
landers Seaforth had promised, but as for the opposite 
party, " the same demon," chronicles James Keith, 
" who had inspired them with the design of staying in 
the Lewis, hindered them from accepting this pro- 

Goaded by their obstinacy and procrastination, the 
Earl Marischall appears to have taken a high hand. 
He turned an informal meeting in the Marquis's hut 
into a Council of War, without having summoned the 
officers and leaders, " which appeared to Lord Tulli- 
bardine the more extraordinary " as there came a letter 
at the same time from Campbell, who was ill, and who 
" thought fit to send his opinion to a Council of War, 
which had not been thought of," and declared that it 
was most disadvantageous to act at once, and that 
Seaforth, Clanranald and Lochiel, who were all ready, 
should join in with their men. 

The Marischall put it on paper that, according to the 
instructions of the Duke of Ormonde, the troops he 
had brought should be employed at once to secure 
some post of vantage, on which the LowJanders could 
converge and join the Highlanders, and that they 
should not wait for the news of what might be happen- 
ing so far off. 

" However, the Generality did not think his Grace's 
instructions meant that people should endeavour to force 


a riseing at all hazards on so small a foundation. . . . 
Lord Seaforth was of the same opinion as on the 
Lewis, that it was folly and destruction to stir without 
a landing in England." 

The Earl MarischalFs party, according to James 

" Were all in the dark as to what could be the meaning of these 
dilatory proceedings, which was discovered to be the effects of the 
measures they had taken, for, before the Earl Marischall's arrival, 
they (not knowing but what he might have a commission superior 
to the Marquis of Tallibardine's) had wrote letters in a circular 
manner to most of their friends, acquainting them that it was the 
King's intention that no body shou'd take arms till the Spanish 
troops were landed in England." 

The Earl must have regretted that his quixotism had 
stood in the way of his accepting Alberoni's offer of 
a Lieutenant-General's commission, which would have 
enabled him to override Tullibardine's orders. 

Some more of the chiefs now came in Clanranald, 
Lochiel, Mackinnon, and Chisholm, and they all met 
in discussion once more. 

Brigadier Campbell proposed a compromise. It was 
that the Spaniards and the chiefs should remain where 
they were till news of the landing of Ormonde reached 
them, and " that about 1,000 men should be raised out 
of the estates of the attainted noblemen and sent to 
attaque Inverness under the command of the Earl 
Marischall, whose reputation and character might make 
an attempt of that kind succeed." 

But Clanranald observed that it would be difficult 
to raise such a force, as only the persons of some of the 
gentlemen, and not their people, were attainted ; more- 
over, that Highlanders could not fight against walls, 
while Inverness could be speedily manned and rein- 


Campbell held that the town was a good place whence 
to retire to Spain if it could not be held; and the 
arguments for and against went on. The discussion 
lasted till it was very late, and next day every one 
met again, except the Earl Marischall. Achilles sulked 
in his tent. 

Years later Rousseau noted how " misled he some- 
times was by his prejudices, and can never be disabused 
of them." When once set against a man he could not 
be reconciled with him. 

In the Earl MarischalFs absence all agreed against 
any action unless they were attacked, in which case 
they would endeavour to defend themselves in view of 
the landing daily expected, " and less that miscarryed 
it was thought necessary to send the ships to a place 
of safety to carry back the Spaniards." 

The Marquis declared that he would " not stir from 
where he was, nor even allow any detachments to be 

Clanranald and Lochiel then departed to carry away 
their share of the arms and ammunition. A few days 
passed, " and as we had still no accounts of the Duke 
of Ormonde, nor of any movements in England, the 
Marquis proposed that without any delay we should 
embark aboard the same vessels and retire to Spain, 
from which he was with great difficulty dissuaded." 

One of the Spanish officers, subsequently taken 
prisoner at Eileen Donan, told Lord Carpenter at Edin- 
burgh that his Colonel had resolved to retire to Spain 
when he saw how few Highlanders were ready to join, 
but that " at the last he was prevailed to stay and to 
let the frigates sail." 

Upon Tullibardine's decision the Earl Marischall 
" burnt his boats." That is to say, in order to avoid the 
threatened retreat, he, as in supreme command of the 


two frigates Alberoni had given him, told Tullibardine 
that he was resolved to send the ships back to Spain 
with his despatches, lest the Government should block- 
ade them or intercept them on their passage. 

"Accordingly next day they fell down the loch to Calliach's Stone 
on their way out to sea. Lord Tullibardine, finding that nothing 
could make them stay hardly one day for his letters, however 
necessary, was therefore oblidged to give his consent on April 30th." 

The day before Lord Seaforth wrote to Tullibardine 
that a party were coming from Inverness to surprise 
him. Tullibardine wrote asking Seaforth to rise, with 
Clanranald and Lochiel ; the former agreed, and orders 
were written out, but on May 1st came a confident 
report that the Duke of Ormonde had landed. 

But the hope and relief were short-lived, On the 
4th one Wallace came from the King's friends at 
Edinburgh, bearing the news of the dispersal of the 
Spanish fleet, and strongly advising that the Spaniards 
should be shipped at once " and everybody gott of! as 
quickly as possible/' 

Then came a further warning, from a " person of 
consequence/' against " making a stirr as things 
stood " ; it caused Tullibardine to send to Clanranald 
and Lochiel to come down to Eileen Donan at once 
and confer, leaving directions for their men to follow 
if inclined. 

On the same evening that they returned three Eng- 
lish men-of-war came up the loch and anchored at 
Calliach's Stone. In a great hurry the ammunition 
which had been placed at a country house at the Crow 
of Kintail was stored in the old wells and vaults of 
Eileen Donan, and a garrison of forty-five Spanish 
soldiers under Captain Stapleton and a Spanish lieu- 
tenant were placed in the castle. 


The following day the three vessels came up and 
moored within musket-shot and bombarded the castle 
all day. But they could make no breach in the thick 
walls. A Spanish deserter came on board one of the 
vessels with a message that the officers would sur- 
render at discretion according to Tullibardine. But 
the British captain of the vessel reports that he landed 
a storming-party and took the place with small resist- 

Captain Stapleton sent a Highlander ashore to report 
the disaffection of the Spaniards, on which their own 
Colonel was sent with more men and orders to blow 
up the place if he found it untenable ; which explosion 
might have shattered or even sunk the ships. 

But the tide prevented the Colonel reaching the 
island before ten at night, and the castle surrendered 
to the ship's boats at eight o'clock, " without so much 
as one man kill'd or wounded/' 

In the afternoon the smallest of the vessels sailed up 
to the Crow of Kintail and bombarded the Spaniards 
guarding the ammunition so severely that they were 
forced to blow it up. A third ship searched for and 
blew up another magazine up Loch Druich, and took 
thirty Spaniards prisoners. 

Thus the Jacobite force had lost all ammunition and 
provisions, and was cut of! from Skye and the open sea. 


Too late, on May 21st, Tullibardine tried to raise the 
clans. But only Clanranald and Lochiel had sent for 
any quantity of arms, and Seaforth sent for none till 
the men-of-war appeared. It must be remembered 
that, after the rising of 1715, the clans had been dis- 
armed by Act of Parliament. Now, " the Highlanders, 
formerly heartilie bitt, resolved not to move till they 
heard Ormonde had landed/' 

Meanwhile the royal troops in Scotland were being 
strongly reinforced. Perforce a move had to be made. 

" But the way by sea being cutt off to the Crow of Kintail, they 
were oblidged to march on the 13th by the head of Loch Long." 

A portion of the force made its way further to the 
north to the head of Loch Carron, near Loch Kishorn, 
where the two British men-of-war were at anchor. 
Several encounters took place between the ships' boats 
and the insurgents. To the head of Loch Long were 

" Transported all the arms with three or four boatfulls of ammu- 
nition thither, thinking to have carryed the whole from thence by 
land to the Crow of Kintail," over the slopes of Scour Ouran, which 
looks down on Loch Long. " But could at no rate gett any baggage 
horse, therefore were oblidged to return it with great difficulty by 
sea under night, least they should be stopt by the ships, and so got 
the stores past Isleendonan [Eileen Donan] to the Crow. A day or 



two after they came to Glen Elchaig [Gleneligag] at the head of 
Loch Long, my Lord Marischall, the Brigadier Campbell of Ormi- 
dale, and Macintosh of Borlum [the plucky old invader of England 
in the '15] who were still endeavouring a riseing at any rate, ac- 
quainted Lord Tullibardine that Lord Seeforth was then satisfied to 
march to a Rendezvouse out of his own country, upon which Lord 
Tullibardine went to know of his L 8P how the matter stood, and 
what new resolutions he would have to take." 

The friction between Marischall and the Marquis 
appears to have resulted in their occupying different 
camps at three miles' distance from each other. The 
Spaniards encamped with Tullibardine. 

Seaforth replied that the Marquis might march with 
the foreign contingent to the south, towards Fort 
Augustus ; that Clanranald and Lochiel, from the west, 
would join them with their men; that Seaforth him- 
self should meet them with a hundred men, and would 
order as many men to follow as could be spared from 
guarding the coast. 

Tullibardine contended 

" That to stir out of the country so near the Enemy without a body 
of men would expose their weakness and shew the World that none 
would join them ; " but if Seaforth would let him inform Clanranald 
and Lochiel that he (Seaforth) " would meet them on a day of 
Rendezvouse to be named, with three or four hundred men, or else 
a battalion, in that case there was a probability these gentlemen 
would undertake something effectually, and then they might stand 
their ground till others joyn'd, if there were still hopes of a quick 
descent, otherwise they would have a very difficult task." 

Seaforth still dallied ; he averred that there was no 
procuring any number of men, but he would see what 
could be done. 

Lord George Murray, Tullibardine's brother, came 
in with what men he could collect in Perthshire and 


The plan thus evolved was, however, laid aside upon 
a rumour coming that the regular troops, with the 
Erasers and other loyal Highlanders, were said to be 
marching against the Jacobites and would be at 
Gleneligag "in two days at furthest." 

When this rumour reached them Seaforth and 
Tullibardine conferred together and proposed that 
" since there was no possibility to oppose them, they 
two should leave everything and immediately goe of! 

But Tullibardine, further, was of opinion they ought 
at least to have sight of the enemy, and at least try and 
secure the arms, and, if they were forced to abandon 
everything else, "yet it was necessary they should 
endeavour to abscond among the hills till the King's 
orders came how to dispose of themselves." 

To this Seaforth agreed, and undertook to inform the 
Earl Marischall, away in his separate camp. 

" On which, next day, Marischal and Brigadier Campbell came 
to Lord Tullibardine' s desiring under his hand that they might goe 
and doe for themselves. He answer'd that he had seen nothing 
certain of the Enemy's motion, but if they were so near as he was 
given out, there would be no occasion for liberty to dispose of 
themselves, since it would soon but too plainly appear impracticable 
that any of them could keep togeather under such difficulties as 
they were unavoidably oblidged to wrestle with." 

The rumour of the enemy's advance proved false. 
They marched to the Crow of Kintail, where the arms 
were already taken. On the same day Tullibardine 
received a letter from Edinburgh telling him that the 
Spanish fleet " was repaired, and might have already 
sailed, or at least quickly should." Moreover, friends 
in London had heard from Ormonde, " they recom- 
mended and wished that those in the north of Scotland 


may keep possession and support themselves as best 
they can, for that the Duke will certainly send them 

" The King's friends were far from being diminished 
south of the Forth, but have been so kept under for 
three or four years that most want horses and arms/' 
Lockhart of Carnwath suggested a manifesto by the 
Earl Marischall setting forth the grievances of the 
Union, the decay of trade, the violation of Scots' liberties, 
the assurance of a Scots' Parliament. Marischall was 
to send people south of the Forth to concert measures, 
and, as he could not know whom to send, the Earl of 
Eglinton, his own brother-in-law the Earl of Wigton, 
Balmerino, the Bishop of Edinburgh, and J. Paterson 
were mentioned as faithful. 

Marischall himself received a letter from Ormonde, 
enclosing one from James. The Duke, though intend- 
ing to encourage the Earl could hardly have raised his 
spirits, for the latter was too clear-sighted and sensible 
not by this time to have perceived the predicament in 
which he had landed himself. 

The Duke wrote from Lugo, the capital of Galicia, 
not far from Corufia, on May 9th : 

" I am very much mortified to be obliged to date my letters from 
this country, where we parted. I hoped to have dated my letter to 
you from a more agreeable place," the old exile continued. " But 
I must referr myself to the King's letter, which will inform your L d 
ship of the misfortune happened to the fleet and of everything which 
concerns this affair. 

" It is a great happiness that His Majesty is safely arrived in this 
country after all the hazard he ran, and that he is in good health, 
having endured a great deal of fatigue. His Majesty landed at 
Roseo, and made all imaginable haste to come to the Groyne to 
goe on board had it pleased God that the fleet had been in a con- 
dition to have pursued the voyage. 

" I have come to the neighbourhood of the Groyne the twenty- 


fourth of February, expecting the fleet that the Cardinal informed 
me was to have sett sayl the 10th of the same month ; the Frigate 
I was to have gone on board had been ready for some time. I had 
a letter from the Cardinal of the 12th March by Mr. McDonnel, which 
I received the 16th, which informed me that the fleet saild from 
Cadix the 7th I heard no accounts of the fleet from that time to 
the 9th of April, when a ship came in to the Corunna giving us the 
disagreeable news of the fleets having been dispersed the 27th of 
March, the Admiral having lost his bowsprit and all his masts some 
days after five ships came into Corunna disabled, and we have heard 
from Vigo and several other places in this kingdom that some of 
the fleet have been put into their Ports we have had also accounts 
of some ships being in Lisbon, and of the Admiral and eight ships 
having arrived at Cadix. 

" This is a very melancholy account, but no remedy against 
storms. The King is in great uneasiness for the circumstances that 
your Lordship and these gentlemen that are with you are in, and 
does all in his power to send you succour by those two ships com- 
manded by Tullogh of Kays. . . . 

" I have tired you too much with this long letter, but cannot help 
expressing the concern I am in for your Lordship and company, and 
for the misfortunes of this disappointment. But we must submit 
to the will of heaven. 

"Do me the favour to make my compliments to Lord Seaforth 
and to Mr. Campbell, and to whom you think fitt, not knowing who 
is with you." 

Sad reading this for the Earl Marischall in his soli- 
tary hut on the shore of the lonely Highland loch. 
But it must have given him pleasure to feel that he had 
the sympathy and affection of Ormonde. Surely, to 
the Duke, he was far more " like my own son " than to 
the shifty Mar. 

Other more encouraging letters from different hands 
gave Tullibardine an excuse for trying once more to 
whip up the reluctant clans. He " earnestly " desired 
" Clanranald and Lochiel and others to come in with 
even a few, others would follow/' On the receipt of 
letters from Edinburgh he despatched fresh orders " to 


gett together their people and come without loss of a 
minute." Lord Seaforth went to Cameron of Lochiel, 
" by his presence to bring up his people, which he found 
no easie task/' " Not above one thousand men ap- 
peared," writes James Keith, " and even those seemed 
not very fond of the enterprize." 

General Wightman, in command of the royal troops, 
left Inverness on January 5th, to oppose the Jacobite 
force with 1,100 men and four cohorn mortars, and 
marched by Loch Ness and Glenmoriston on Kintail. 

On June 4th Lochiel came in, the first of the clans 
to appear, and with over a hundred men, to Glenshiel, 
where Tullibardine met him with the Spaniards, and 
took up their position there, " it being the strongest 
ground in those parts." 

The spot on which the little force had decided to 
await the enemy is 

" A grand desolate glen running inland south-east from the head of 
Loch Duich, and skirting the vast southern slopes of Scour Ouran, 
at the Pass of Strachells, five miles east of Inversheil. Here the 
shoulder of the mountain drops steeply down to the glen on the 
north side, and the glen narrows to a gorge, through which roars 
the Shiel, a raging torrent, between lightly clothed precipices. 
Above, the pass widens into a little strath ; the road, such as it 
was, ran, and still runs, through the strath on the north side of the 
river, and through the pass on a narrow shelf, and was covered 
entirely from the hill." 

The position, strategically very strong, was recon- 
noitred on the 6th, and thought to be defendable. " It 
was fortified by strong entrenchments from one side 
to another, not being more than 2,000 paces apart." 

James Keith, when writing with vast military ex- 
perience, many years later, describes the position as 
" strong enough, had it been well defended ; our right 
cover 'd by a rivulet which was difficult to pass, and 


our left by a ravine, and in the front so rugged and 
steep that it was almost impossible to come at us." 

General Wightman, in his despatch, writes : " Their 
dispositions for Defence were extraordinary, with the 
Advantage of Rocks, Mountains, and Intrenchments." 
It completely commanded the road along which Wight- 
man was advancing from the east. He writes that he 
" hesitated to attack." 

In this impregnable position Tullibardine determined 
to make a stand till the further contingent of the clans 
which he expected should come in. 

Before the battle was joined he took the precaution to 
have his commission from King James read at the head 
of his little army. " The commission was as ample as 
was given to any subject." So the Earl Marischall is 
exonerated from any blame concerning the ensuing 

" My Lord Seaforth," writes Tullibardine, in his despatch to Mar, 
five days after the battle, " met us, and told me he had brought to 
the Crow of Kintaile about five hundred of his men, who, it was 
thought, would heartily defend their own Country. On the eighth 
Rob Roy's son brought a company of his men, who, with some volun- 
teers, made up near Eighty. That night we got accounts the 
Enemy were removed from Gilly whining " (old Gaelic name of Fort 
Augustus, spelt in a great variety of ways) " to the Braes of Glen- 
moriston, which made us march early next morning, till that part of 
the pass at Glenshellbeg, which every body thought the properest 
place for defence, in which we posted ourselves the best way we 
could. In the evening one hundred of Mr. Lidcoat's " (may mean 
Glengarry) " people came to us, and the same night my brother 
George, who was on the outguard, sent word that he saw the enemy 
in camp at the end of Loch Clownie within four or five miles of us. 
Next morning he sent again to inform us they were decamped and 
moving slowly forward. About ten o'clock fifty men joined us, and 
at twelve McKinnon came with fifty more which were the last, for 
though several men that had been to us [were] on the top of the 
mountains at each side, yet they did not descend to incorporat with 


the rest. I suppose because they thought the Enemy too near us, 
who, as they advanced, Lord George re tyred, keeping all the way 
about half a mile from them till they came in our sight, which was at 
two in the afternoon. They halted at near half-a-mile's distance to 
make there disposition for the attack, which was between five and 
six a clock at night. We had drawn up to the right of our main 
body on the other side of the water, upon a little hill, about a hundred 
and fifty men, including the Companys of my Lord Seaforths ; beside 
about four-score more were allotted for that place who was to come 
from the top of the hill ; but altho' they sent twice to tell they were 
coming, yet they only beheld the scuffle at a Distance. This party 
was commanded by Lord George Murray, the Laird of McDougal, 
Major Macintosh, and John of Auch, an auld officer of my Lord 
Seaforth's people ; on the pass on the other side of the water were 
first on the right the Spaniards, under Don Nicolas Bolano, about 
two hundred men, about fifty more of them were left behind with 
the Magazine, several of them being Sick. The next in the Lyne 
was Locheill with about a hundred and fifty. Then Mr. Lidcoat's 
and others, being about one hundred and fifty, twenty volunteers, 
next fourtie of Rob Roy's, fiftie of McKinnons, and then two hun- 
dred of my Lord Seaforth's men commanded by S r John Mc-Ken- 
zie of Coul ; on the left of all, at a considerable distance on a 
steep hill, was my Lord Seaforth posted with about two hundred 
of his best men, where my Lord Marshall and Brig. Campbell of 
Ormondael Commanded with him, Brigadeer M'Intosh commanded 
with the Spanish Colonel, Brigadeer Campbell of Glenderuell and 
myself commanded in the center, where we imagined the main 
attaque would be, it being by far the easiesty ground, beside the only 
way thro' the glen. However, it happen'd otherways ; the Enemy 
placed their Horse on the low ground, and a battalion of them on 
there left, with there Highlanders on the fare side of the water ; all 
the rest of there Foot was on a rising ground to there Right." 

A private letter thus describes the first attack which 
was made upon Lord George Murray and the right wing : 

" Half an hour after four in the afternoon, though they were 
vastly inferior in number to those who attacked them in their bodies, 
yet being equal in their courage and superior to their situation, they 
repulsed them twice with considerable loss and maintained their 


ground bravely for two hours, till at last by their small mortars (a 
new machine of General Cohorn's invention), the forces fired the 
heath and woods about them, and by that means smothered them 
out of their strongholds ; upon which they retired in good order 
and with great deliberation to the main body. . . . Lord George 
Murray was wounded in the leg." 

Tullibardine does not give such a glowing account of 
the conduct of his right wing : 

" The first attack they made was on our men under Lord George 
Murray and their Highlanders, who fired several times at the others 
without doeing great damage, upon which they sent a second and 
third detachment that made most of those with Lord Geo. run to 
the other side of a steep Burn, where hehimself and the rest were after- 
wards obliged to follow, where they continued till all was over, it 
being uneasy for the Ennimy to pass the hollow Banks of that Burn. 
When they found that party on our Right give way their Right 
began to move up the Hill from thence, to fall down on our left, 
but when they saw my Lord Seaforth's people, who were behind the 
steep Rock, they were oblig'd to attack them lest they should have 
been flank'd in coming to us." 

The same private letter describing the attack on the 
left says that 

" My Lord Seaforth was next attacked, and maintained his ground 
for two hours more with a hindrance of bravery till at last his men, 
weary of so long and close fire, began to give way, upon which he 
stepped out before his men towards the enemy, brandishing his sword 
to rally them, at which time he received a shot in the fleshy part of 
the arm. However, he rallied them at length, discharging his 
piece six times after he was wounded, and stood it out at one strong 
ground or other, till about quarter after nine, when, being faint by 
loss of blood, no succour being sent him from the main body (though 
earnestly and frequently desired) his hardiest men being fatigued by 
long action, and overpowered by the number of the forces, who 
by this time had scrambled up the hill and were advanced breast 
to breast, he at last was forced to retire, which he did without the 
least disorder or confusion." 


Another private letter also eulogizes Seaforth 's stand : 

" In this action Seaforth, and a few of these who stood by him, 
acquitted themselves like heroes, and had they ammunition would 
probably have ruined the enemy. . . . He himself led them on in 
his Highlander's habit, and fought amongst them at the same time 
without any distinction ; he received a wound along the ribs, on 
the right side, which, being slight, he concealed, and when the 
whole ammunition was spent, he drew his sword, and, raising his 
hand with it, gave orders for all to fall on sword in hand. He was 
shot in the arm through the flesh, and, his people flocking about 
him, and seeing much blood upon him coming from both wounds, put 
'em in some confusion, which, with the enemies pressing hard upon 
them, obliged them to retire." 

Tullibardine explains to Mar how it was that Sea- 
forth and the McKenzies bore the brunt of the attack 
on the left. 

" The Laird of Coul (most of whose men began to goe off on seeing 
the enemy) mov'd up with his Battalion to sustain the rest of the 
McKenzies, which obliged the Enemy to push the harder that way, 
on which my Lord Seaforth sent down for a Reinforcement, and 
immediately afterwards Brigadier Campbell of Ormondell came 
likewise, telling it was not certain if there main body would not 
just then fall upon our Centre, which made Rob Roy with the 
McGrigors and McKinnon the longer of drawing off to their assist- 
ance, but seeing them give way he made all the despatch he could 
to join them. But before he could get up so as to be fairly in hands 
with the Enemy, Lord Seaforth's people were mostly gone off, and 
himself left wounded in the Arm, so that with difficulty he could 
get out of the place. But Rob Roy's detachment, finding them 
going off, began to retyre. Likewise, that made us still send off 
fresh supplies from our left, so that Mr. Lidcoat's men and others, 
seeing every body retire before them, did also the same." 

Several of them, however 

" With Lord Marischall and Brigadier Campbell turned back twice 
on GlendaruelPs persuasion . . . some of the officers swear they have 
seen each of these fire fifteen shots. 


" The enemy, finding all give way on that hand, they turn'd there 
whole force there, which obliged us to march up the Camerons, who 
likewise drew off as others had done ; at last the Spaniards were 
called, and none, standing to sustain them, they likewise were oblig'd 
to draw up the hill on our left, where at last all began to run, tho* 
half never had an opportunity to fire on the Enemy, who were 
heartened on seeing some of ours once more give way, and our 
own people as much discourag'd, so that they could never again be 
brought to anything. 

" After a skirmish of about three hours," writes James Keith, 
" in which not above a hundred men were killed and wounded on 
both sides, and of distinction only the Marquess of Seaforth wounded, 
our troops were forced to retire to the top of the mountain, whose 
height hinder'd the enemies' pursuit. By this time it was night, 
which gave the chiefs of our party to consult what was to be done in 
this urgency, and on considering that they had neither provisions 
nor ammunition, that the few troops they had behaved in a manner 
not to give great encouragement to try a second action, it was 
resolved that the Spaniards should surrender, and Highlanders 
disperse. Don Nicolas of Bolano, who commanded the detachment 
of the regiment of Gallicia, offer' d to attack the enemy once more ; 
but, the general officers judging the attempt in vain, the first resolu- 
tion was followed, and accordingly next morning the Spaniards sur- 
rend'd, on condition their baggage shou'd not be plunder'd, and 
everybody else took the road he liked best. 

" All went off over the mountains," continues Tullibardine in his 
report to Mar, " and next morning we had hardly any body togeither 
except some of the Spaniards. I then proposed to my Lord Mari- 
schal, Locheill, Brigadier Cample and all present, that we should 
keep in a body with the Spaniards and march through the Highlands 
for some time till we could gather again in case of a Landing, or 
else, should the King send instructions, the Highlanders would soon 
rise and make up all that was past. But every body declar'd 
against doing any thing further, for as things stood they thought 
it impracticable, and my Lord Marishall with Brigadier Cample of 
Ormondell went off without any more adoe or so much as taking 
leave. The Spaniards themselves declared they could neither live 
without bread nor make any hard marches thro' the Country, 
therefore I was obliged to give them leave to Capitulate the best 
way they could, and everybody else went off to shift for them- 


Seaforth, by his personal valour, amply, if too late, 
atoned for his dilatoriness and half-heartedness of the 
past weeks ; his eulogist, previously quoted, criticizes 
Tullibardine, hinting that the cause of his retreat was 
not only that " their whole ammunition was spent." 

" Where we expected that all would act as they ought, one 
General refused with his body, alleging he had no orders from the 
King to fight, and only detached Glenderuell and Kob Koy McGregor 
with sixty men to a pass, which they quitted without firing a shot 
upon the enemy's advancing, and retired to the General." 

He adds that, while Seaforth was engaged on the left, 
Tullibardine ordered Eob Koy to " blow up the maga- 
zine, which he did, and to carry off his baggage, of 
which he took more than fell to him and the General's 
share (!!), and the General marched southwards with the 
whole body, without burning powder or firing the 

Ten days after the battle the London Gazette issued 
a picturesque but highly imaginative report : 

" About five the Left wing was ordered to begin the attack, and 
the Rebels, always, as they had fired their muskets, skipping off, and 
never venturing to cotne to a close engagement, were driven from 
Rock to Rock, our Men chasing them before them for about three 
Hours, till we gain'd the Top of the Hill, where they were immedi- 
ately dispersed." 

Wightman's despatch, dated eight o'clock in the 
morning after the engagement, allows that "a warm 
Dispute was maintained/' which, according to Sir 
Walter Scott, compelled the retreat of the Government 

" Yesterday," writes Wightman, " I marched from Strathlong 
to the Head of Glenshill, a considerable Pass, which, I was told, the 


Enemy had resolved to defend ; but upon my Approach they 
deserted that Post and retired to cover their Camp, which was at 
another very strong Pass called Strachall. I gave them no Time, 
but immediately viewed their situation, and, having made my 
Disposition, began my attack about Five in the Afternoon, and a 
warm Dispute was maintained till past Eight, when it pleased God 
to give us an entire victory over them." 


JUNE 9ra, 1719 

Now to give an epitome of this quaint little battle 
in a lonely glen in the remote west of Scotland, where 
" Kentish Men/' men from Devon combes and moors, 
Dutch from the Low Countries, Hanoverians from the 
fens and sands of North Germany, horsemen from the 
north of England, Calician peasants from the moun- 
tains round Cape Finisterre, and wild Highlanders from 
the Atlantic seaboard and the western isles a medley 
of figures clad in scarlet cloth, long white leggings, 
three-cornered hats over their powdered heads, or 
kilted and breechless, naked to the waist, fired and 
hacked at each other all one long, sweet, northern mid- 
summer evening, for, and against, a King who had never 
been crowned, and who, at that moment, was keeping 
his birthday amid the ilex, the cypresses, and the white 
statuary of a palace garden outside Madrid. 

The Jacobites took up their position on June 9th. 
Lord George Murray, commanding the outposts, reported 
the enemy four or five miles oft' at the head of Loch 
Clunie. Next morning he reported that they had 
struck camp and were marching over the watershed to 
Glenshiel, and he retired on the main body, keeping 
half a mile in advance of the enemy. 

At 2 p.m. on June 10th the enemy came in sight. 
Wightman, finding the Jacobites entrenched on the 



face of a mountain on the north side of the barricaded 
road, halted and formed up. 

On his right he placed all the Grenadiers, 150 in 
number, commanded by Major Milburn. He was 
supported by Montague's Regiment, now the llth, the 
Devon Regiment, which he had also led at Sheriffmuir, 
and which was now commanded by Colonel Lawson, 
and by a detachment of fifty men of what is now the 
15th Regiment, commanded by Colonel Harrison. The 
rest of this corps was in garrison at Inverlochy. 

These, again, were supported by HuffeFs Dutch Regi- 
ment, and four companies of Amerongen's Hanoverian 

On the flank of Wightman's right wing were twenty- 
six of Lord Strathnaver's men under Ensign MacCay. 

The whole of Wightman's left wing was on the south 
side of the river and was commanded by Colonel Jasper 
Clayton, Colonel of the 14th Foot, and who was after- 
wards killed at Dettingen. 

The wing consisted of Clayton's Regiment, under 
Reading ; on the flank were eighty Munroes under 
Munroe of Culcearn, subsequently badly wounded and 
rescued by the devotion of his men 120 of the Royal 
Regiment of North British Dragoons, now the Scots 
Greys, under Major Robertson. These last " had 
marched from Inverness without the loss of one horse, 
or the least inconvenience to them," and they were 
ordered to keep the road, having the four Cohorn guns 
placed on their front. 

Wightman posted himself in the centre of his force, 
which consisted of 850 foot, 120 horse, 136 Highlanders, 
and 4 guns. 

The disposition of the Jacobites was as follows. On 
the south-east slopes of Scour Ouran was their main 
body, consisting of the Spanish Regiment of now only 


200 men, under Colonel Don Nicolas di Bolano; of 
Lochiel with 150 ; of 150 " Lidcoat's "either Frasers 
or McKenzies of Glengarry, or both, and others ; 20 
volunteers ; 40 of Rob Roy's McGregors ; 50 Mac- 
kinnons ; 200 of Seaforth 's McKenzies ; the whole 
under Sir John McKenzie of Coul. 

On the extreme left, up the side of Scour Ouran, was 
Seaforth himself with 200 of his picked men, occupying 
a strong position behind rocks. With Seaforth were 
the Earl Marischall and Brigadier Campbell, in what 
was to be the hottest of the fray. 

On a hill to the south across the torrent were 150 
men under Lord George Murray. 

Tullibardine himself was in the centre of the position 
with Glendaruel, Brigadier Mackintosh of Borlum, and 
the Spanish Colonel. 

Wightman estimated the Jacobite force at 1,640 
Highlanders, 300 Spaniards, " and/' he satirically adds, 
" a corps of 500 Highlanders, who were posted on a 
Hill in order to make themselves masters of the bag- 

The action began between five and six o'clock of a 
June evening, by the Hanoverians advancing against 
Murray's outpost on Friooch Corrie, south of the river. 
It was first shelled by the mortars from the road below 
within four hundred yards of the Jacobite centre. 

Next Clayton attacked Murray with the Munroes. 
He was repulsed, reinforced, and then drove Murray 
beyond a burn which hindered pursuit. 

The " steep rock " on the left flank of the Jacobite 
main body, was held by " Lidcoat's," Rob Roy, and 
Mackinnon, and it enfiladed the advance of an attacking 
force advancing direct on the Spaniards. 

Thus a frontal attack on the centre had to be changed 
into a flank attack. So Wightman marched up the hill 


to attack Seaforth and the Jacobite extreme left, with 
Milburn's Grenadiers, Montague's Regiment, and Laur- 
ence's detachment of Harrison's Regiment. 

Seaforth was reinforced by Sir John Mackenzie. 
" Macdougal, Fairburne, Avoch, and Belmuckie be- 
haved extraordinary well in their several stations with 
Seaforth." But, hard pressed, he sent for further sup- 
port ; but, at that moment, Campbell of Ormidale 
came up, " telling us it was not certain, then, if the 
enemies' main body would not fall on our own centre." 
Rob Roy, indeed, " with all despatch " removed from 
his <s steep rock " position to Seaforth's aid ; but, be- 
fore he reached him, the gallant Marquis, himself badly 
wounded, had given way. 

Wightman's whole strength was now directed against 
the Jacobite centre. His mortars turned them out of 
their position. The Spaniards stood well at first, but 
eventually retired up the hill to the left. 

After three hours' fighting, and when the light, even 
in the north of Scotland in June, was beginning to fail, 
the Jacobites had evacuated their position, and the 
retreat had become a flight. The Hanoverians pursued 
them up the shoulder of Scour Ouran, to the top of 
the mountain. Then darkness fell. 

The " corrie," far up the hill, is to this day called 
by the shepherds the " Spanish Pass." 

Above the bridge, where the guns and dragoons were 
posted, is a deep pool into which the Shiel falls by a 
cascade called to this day " the Falls of Arms," for 
weapons have been found there. As late as 1894 a 
bayonet was discovered among the shingle. 

Down below, on the south of the river, just above the 
pass, is a spot known as the " Dutch Colonel's Grave." 
Here was buried Captain Doune of Montague's Regi' 
ment, the only officer killed on either side. 


Here is supposed to " walk " the ghost of the Spanish 
Colonel so a tradition of that fatal June evening of 
1719 still hangs about the lonely glen. 

Then came the aftermath. 

" So that is all we could make of My Lord Marischall's ill-con- 
certed expedition is to be shamefully dispersed at last," to Mar wrote 
Tullibardine bitterly, when hiding in Glengarry, five days later. 
" However, if a Landing happens soon in England the Highlanders 
will still act their part. But if the expedition be retarded our 
being brought away so very unreasonably will I'm affraid ruin the 
King's interest and faithful subjects in these parts ; seeing we 
came with hardly any thing that was realy necesary for such an 
undertaking or the King's immediat Instructions how to behave 
on all events that might happen, which was absolutely necessary ; 
seeing otherwise nothing could be done to purpose among the 
people at Home without a Landing in England, I and some others 
with the Clans concern'd will endeavour to keep private till we 
know how affairs are like to go. 

" Your Grace has here a full account of what has happen'd since 
my last, by which you'l see to what a miserable condition we are 
now reduc'd, and his Majesty's affairs in these parts are infallibly 
at the brink of ruin unless there be some speedy succour at Hand. 
It is not to be imagin'd how much people are dispirited at the 
manner of our Coming, and there has not been as yet so much as 
one word sent us from any that have the manadgment of affairs. 
But hoping there will be ere long good accounts, I'le say no more." 

A week later Wightman reported that he " was tak- 
ing a tour through all the difficult parts of Seaforth's 
country to terrify the Rebels, by burning the houses 
of the guilty and preserving those of the Honest." 

By the end of the month he was back in garrison at 
Inverness, writing : "I have used all possible means to 
put a Dread upon those who have been more immedi- 
ately concerned in this late unnatural Rebellion, and 
by all just accounts am assured the Rebells are totally 


He had despatched his 274 Spanish prisoners to 
Edinburgh Castle, whence they were sent back to Spain 
six months later. 

Lord Stair, at Paris, had indeed proved a true prophet. 
" I am not troubled," he wrote in May to Robethon, 
the Hanoverian diplomat, " over the few Rebels who 
have landed in Scotland ; they will soon die of hunger 
in the mountains, and, if any of the Spaniards escape, 
it will take away any wish of others to take a walk in 

The battle of Glenshiel was the fatal outcome of the 
jealousy, rivalry, and dissension between the two young 
leaders, Tullibardine and the Earl Marischall, which had 
begun a couple of years before at Paris. The failure of 
the expedition was caused by the divided authority. 
There was want of unanimity among the many com- 
manders, as well as a lack of generalship on the part of 
Tullibardine. " Lochiel, Borlum, Glendaruel, and Rob 
Roy were the councillors of the General ; how they will 
account for their conduct, I know not," comments 
an anonymous correspondent a fortnight after the 

Another candid friend had written a week previously : 
" I am not going to enlarge on the Misbehaviours in 
general or in particular, but certainly there was an 
Achan in the camp. Imprudence, cowardice, and 
knavery were the principal ingredients of some who were 
old friends." 

If the Earl Marischall was not responsible for the 
actual defeat on the day of Glenshiel, he cannot be 
exonerated from having led up to it. 

Two thousand pounds a head were offered for the 
capture of Tullibardine, Marischall, and Seaforth. 

The latter made his peace with the Government 
seven years later. The Earl Marischall, when an old 


man, pardoned, but not reinstated, lived to be pre- 
sented at George IFs Court. 

Tullibardine, who had thrown in his lot with the 
Jacobite cause in opposition to his father, the Duke of 
Athol, and had carried with him his two younger 
brothers, breaking their mother's heart, unfurled Charles 
Edward's standard at Glenfmnen twenty-five years later, 
and, the following year, died for his principles in the 
Tower of London. 


JUNE 1719 TO 1720 

ONCE more a homeless fugitive, a price upon his head, 
" skulking " in the mountains, with his young brother 
sick of fever on his hands, thus did the Earl Marischall 
spend the sad summer of 1719. 

It was impossible to find a ship off the west coast by 
means of which to escape, as those shores and seas were 
so closely watched. Some seven weeks after the battle 
of Glenshiel, Wightman reported from Edinburgh that 

" Humour runs from Glasgow of two or three boats of armed men 
trying to impress a ship passing through to Glasgow. It stood on 
her defence. They spied other ships and went off to seize them, 
to carry off the Lords Seaf orth and Marischall with others for Spain , 
where they will make a safe retreat ; who had been gone long ago 
had Seaf orth been well of his wounds." 

But the Keiths crept out of the Highlands by stealth 
to the Lowlands of Aberdeenshire, passing through the 
old homeland which was theirs no longer, but safe 
among their tenants and friends, and gained Peterhead 
unscathed and unbetrayed. At the beginning of Sep- 
tember they secured a vessel and embarked for Holland, 
landing at the mouth of the Texel, after a four days' 

There had been great anxiety as to their safety. 
Even a month later James writes from Montefiascone 



in the Apennines, after his marriage with Maria Cle- 
mentina, to Ormonde : 

" You will have heard, to be sure, of Brigadier Campbell being come 
from Scotland. I heartily wish his companies were it, and in 
meantime have writ to him that both he and they cannot do better 
than go to Spain, where they cannot but be well received, and where 
you will, I doubt not, do all in your power for their assistance." 

The commissions which the Earl Marischall and his 
brother bore specially entitled them, in the event of the 
failure of Ormonde's expedition to be reinstated in 
their rank and position in the Spanish service. 

Both the Chevalier and Ormonde still hoped for help 
from Spain. After the disaster to the fleet Alberoni 
at first gave out that he would proceed with his inva- 
sion, but that the Armada would take three months 
to refit. But, as the weeks wore on, Spain had other 
things to think of. Her hands were full with the war 
on the French frontier, where Berwick was successful 
all along the line. 

Moreover, it did not fit in with Ormonde's scheme 
to send help to the Earl Marischall in Scotland. He 
was full of an " ill-natured project, fit for the Cardinal 
to conceive, and the Duke of Ormonde to execute," 
writes Stair, of a landing in Brittany with the remnant 
of the fleet, and which miscarried through a mutinous 

Spain had, in fact, washed her hands of the Jacobites. 
When landing at the Texel the Earl Marischall went to 
The Hague to know if the King of Spain's Minister 
there, Marquis Barretti Landi, had any orders for him ; 
but the only advice given him was to return to Spain 
with all haste. 

To get there was the difficulty. In order to avoid 


the Imperial Netherlands, the brothers set out next day 
for Liege, to enter France by Sedan 

" Judging that route to be least suspected ; but, on arriving there, 
the toun-major, who there commanded, finding we had no passport, 
stopt us, and, without enquiring either our names or qualities, order'd 
us immediately to be carried to prison, which was executed with 
the greatest exactitude. I made no doubt," writes James Keith, 
" but that at the same time he wou'd have order'd our pockets to 
be searched, in which we had commissions from the King of Spain, 
then in War with France, but he was contented with having half 
done his duty, which was our good fortune, for howsoon we were 
come to our lodging, I took the two commissions, and, pretending a 
certain necessity, threw them into a place needless to be named. 
Some while after the toun-major, remembering that he had forgot 
to ask our names, sent to enquire who we were, or if we had any 
papers which would give an account of ourselves." 

Now friends in Paris had written to the returning 
wanderers, and in one of the letters which the Earl 
Marischall had received on landing, a beautiful and a 
great lady, wife of a hunchbacked Prince of the Blood, 
begged to be kindly remembered to the handsome 
Scottish milord. 

" The Earl Marischal happened to have a letter in his pocket, 
wrote in French, in which the Princess de Conti made him her com- 
pliments, on hearing of which, he order'd us next day to be set 
at liberty, and we continued our journey to Paris." 

The Keiths found life in the gay city much changed. 
The Mississippi Company, Law's great bubble, was 
then at its height. " Bearings and bullings " had given 
place to love-making and cards, and in every class of 

" The craze for speculation, the greatest, maddest the world has 
ever seen, had reached its zenith. People only talked in millions, 
the great god Mammon reigned despotically in Paris. 


" There was no longer either business or society. The artisan in 
his shop, the merchant in his counting-house, the magistrate, the 
literary man in his study, were occupied only with the price of 
shares. ... It is enough only to show oneself in the celebrated 
Rue Quincampoix in order to be favourably looked upon by the 
tutelary Divinity, and you do not leave without immense wealth. 
. . . The Princes of the Blood and all the great nobility assemble 
at the offices, making millions." 

But the Earl Marischall had not the wherewithal 
to speculate. Landless, homeless, penniless, subsisting 
on his precarious Spanish pay, which came in most 
irregularly, he was in very low water. 

In Paris, " every thing had doubled in price since 
the last year, furniture, clothes, food. . . . There is a 
saying money rules the world ; this is certainly true of 
this place/' 

Nor was the leader of a manque expedition for a cause 
now discredited by the Government likely to be as 
welcome in society as the year before. Clearly, Paris 
was no place for the Earl Marischall and his brother. 
" We arrived in the heart of the Mississippi, but having 
no share in that affair, I leave it to those who, either as 
they gained or lost, will praise or condemn it," comments 
James Keith. 

After a month's stay they set out for Montpellier 
en route for Spain. But the difficulty of reaching it 
was greater than they had imagined. The brothers 
separated ; the Earl set out to try and find his way in 
through the Pyrenees, while James thought he would 
attempt to sail from Marseilles. 

Diving into the mountains, the Earl Marischall 
tried one after another the high passes into Spain, 
unfrequented tracks, through which he might steal un- 
noticed. He hired a Spanish soldier who knew the 
routes and who promised to guide him across. But 


eventually lie was arrested by the governor of the 
frontier town of Bigorre and thrown into prison. Here 
he lay for six long weeks, but was able to work friends 
in Paris, and at last an order for his release came from 
the King of France. But it was accompanied by a 
command to quit the kingdom at once, and with a pass- 
port for Italy. 

To Italy, to his " King/' the Earl Marischall was 
only too willing to go. For during his detention at 
Bigorre events had marched rapidly in Spain and the 
complexion of affairs had quite changed. Spain was 
on her knees, England, France, Austria, and Holland 
all leagued against her. Alberoni's far-flung plans had 
come to naught, and he was made the scapegoat. In 
December 1719 his sovereigns turned upon him ; he 
fell with dramatic suddenness, escaping disguised, and 
with the greatest difficulty, into France. 

The Earl Marischall felt that he had lost Ormonde's 
best friend in Spain. 

Immediately upon his release he returned to Tou- 
louse, where, to their mutual surprise for James thought 
him long ago in Spain he suddenly walked into his 
brother's room. 

On mule-back or in galleys or feluccas, they made 
their way along the south coast of France and Liguria ; 
there were no roads along those precipitous shores in 
those days. Reaching Genoa at the New Year, they 
spent a month in the capital of the Republic, " and, 
being now so near to where the King our Master was, 
we both resolv'd to go to Rome/' They found a galley 
which the Genoese Republic was sending to Leghorn ; 
these galleys only sailed by day, except in summer, 
and, a fair wind bringing them quickly to Porto Fino 
by noon, they anchored there for the night. 

Here they heard that Cardinal Alberoni was living 


in seclusion at Sesbri di Levante hard by, the port 
whence he had despatched his late mistress, Elizabeth 
Farnese, as a bride to Philip of Spain that great 
match Alberoni had himself arranged. But, though 
fallen, the clever old Cardinal was still feared by his 
enemies. The King of Spain, on whom he had be- 
stowed a wife he adored, the Duke of Parma, whose 
daughter he had thus aggrandized, the Pope himself 
at last, apparently, shocked by the morals of a Cardinal 
who had never said mass nor communicated for six 
years, who blasphemed, forged, persecuted, assassinated, 
poisoned all urged the Republic to expel him from 
her territory. 

The Earl Marischall doubtless felt that he should 
render to the author of the late expedition to Scotland 
some account thereof, especially as Alberoni had en- 
trusted him with men and money. Moreover, he 
" believed that the Cardinal's disgrace to be only a 
politick one, to make the peace easier between France 
and Spain/' So, finding this opportunity, he borrowed 
the captain's felucca and set off for Sestri. 

But he was surprised and disillusioned. Alberoni, 
embittered by the failure of his ambitions, by his master's 
ingratitude for his great work of the revival of Spain, 
had washed his hands of politics in general and of 
Spain and the Jacobites in particular. He did indeed 
receive his visitor, but when the Earl Marischall 

" Began to give him an account of what had passed in Scotland, 
to which the other answered, that, being now no more interested in 
the affairs of Spain, and resolving never more to have any, he 
desired to be excused from hearing any other than what concerned 
himself, whom he was glad to see safely returned.'* 

He entertained the Earl Marischall as his guest for 
the night, and the next morning the latter rejoined his 


galley, which set sail for Porto Venere, on a little bay 
at the mouth of the Gulf of Spezzia. 

Here, owing to the incapacity of the captain, they 
were weather-bound ten days. At last they reached 
Leghorn, and went by Pisa, Florence, and Siena to 

The Earl Marischall found his King, with whom he 
had parted at dead of night as a fugitive all but cap- 
tured in a little Scotch town in the mesh of his vic- 
torious enemies, living in some state in the old Palazzo 
Muta, under the generous protection of that staunch 
friend of the Stuarts, Clement XI. A papal pension, 
a legacy to Clementina from Spain, enabled James to 
keep up a little Court for his charming young bride, 
" who deserves to be a real Queen ; no bitterness, a 
good example, much sweetness. Withal a quick com- 
prehension, a fine memory. She spoke five languages, 
including English, equally well/' 

Pontifical troops mounted guard when James took 
the air, and he was treated as a sovereign in exile. 
Political schemes engrossed him ; and the customary 
Jacobite atmosphere of plotting pervaded the little 
Court. The Earl Marischall found Mar with James; 
also Mar's rival, Colonel John Hay, and Lord Niths- 
dale, with his devoted wife, who had smuggled him out 
of the Tower of London. 

The hopes of the Jacobites, which had fallen very 
low since the destruction of Alberoni's Armada, were 
rising. It was whispered that the seventeen-year-old 
Queen hoped to become a mother before the close of 
the year. What if she should give birth to a son ! 

The Earl Marischall was penniless, and in sore need 
of financial assistance from the King for whom he had 
sacrificed lands and fortune. His estates in Scotland, 
which had fallen to the Crown on his attainder, had just 


been bought by the York Building Company, so 
called from its habitat in the Adelphi, and which had 
just floated a special fund of over 1,000,000, to buy 
up forfeited estates in Great Britain, of which the 
Government, having their hands full, were anxious to 
dispose. The Keith estates were bought for 41,172 
sixteen years' purchase. 

Life in Rome was luxurious and expensive. The 
ecclesiastical atmosphere at the Palazzo in the Piazza 
dei Apostoli James was becoming more and more of 
a bigot was hardly to the Earl MarischalTs taste. 
Moreover, always a man of action rather than a diplo- 
mat, he was anxious to return to Spain, where active 
military service might be found. 

" His Majesty, who knew that we were in want of money, sent 
his favourite, Mr. Hay, to the Pope, to desire him to advance him 
a thousand Roman crowns on his ordinary pension, which the other 
refused to do on pretence of poverty. This I mention to show the 
genious of Clement XI, and how little regard Churchmen have for 
those who have abandoned all for religion." 

But Protestant James Keith hardly does justice to 
the Pope. 

" The King, finding nothing was to be expected from that quarter, 
borrowed the summe from a banckier and gave it us.'* 

After only a six weeks' stay in Rome, the Earl 
Marischall and his brother went to Leghorn, but, 
finding no vessel there bound for Spain, passed on to 
Genoa, where they waited six weeks, " which gave great 
uneasiness to D'Avenant [Davenant ?] the English 
Minister there." 

Since Glenshiel, the Earl Marischall was a marked 
man, and a dangerous rebel. Moreover, France was 
now the friend of England, and Davenant 


" Pushed on by M r de Chavigni, the French Minister (who 
diverted himself with his extravagances), he gave a memorial to 
the Senate of Genua, in which he desired we might be order'd out 
of their territories, as rebells to the King his master ; and threatened 
in all companies, that if it was not complied with, they might expect 
a bombardment worse than that they suffered from the French. 
Though the Senate knew that all this was without order from his 
Court, yet they were not a little embarrassed. The Marquis de 
Meri having advertised them that, in case they complyed with that 
demand, and turned out of their territories two officers of the King 
of Spain's, they cou'd not refuse doing his C. M. [Christian Majesty] 
the same justice in turning out all the Catalans out of their do- 
minions, who, having followed the fortune of Charles the 3rd, were 
reputed rebells in Spain, and having insinuated to us that they 
wou'd take it as a favour if we wou'd leave the toun, we answer'd 
that we waited only an oportunity of getting to Spain, but that 
there being an English fregate who cruised before the harbour for 
some time past, we cou'd not venture to sail whille she continued 
there. Some days after, the same personnes returned, and told us 
that if we wou'd take a good felouque of 14 oars, we need fear nothing 
from the fregate, and that going along the coast of France, where 
we wou'd lye every night ashore, we did not risk meeting any other 
English ships of war at sea." 

So the Keiths started on their long coasting voyage. 
Even with " the good felucca of 14 oars/' it took them 
twenty-nine days to reach the coast of Spain. They 
landed at Valentia, and the Earl Marischall made his 
first acquaintance with the delightful capital of the 
Huerta di Valencia the garden of Valencia with 
which he fell in love for the rest of his days. 


1720 TO 1727 

" There never were so many fine words, and so little good sense 
so much enterprise, and so little effect so much action, without 
design and so much design, without action." 

LA KOCHEFOUCAULD'S maxim not inaptly describes the 
proceedings of the Jacobite party for five- and- twenty 
years after Glenshiel, proceedings in which the Earl 
Marischall bore a more or less fitful part. 

On reaching Spain for the second time, the Keith 
brothers went to Madrid, where, for six months after 
the fall of Alberoni, abuse of the Cardinal was the surest 
passage to court favour. The Duke of Ormonde, 
living on his Spanish pension, was still intriguing for 
help for another expedition to England, help which he 
wished to consist of the Irish regiments in the Spanish 
service. But there was little attention paid to the 
Jacobites whom Alberoni had attempted to use as 
tools against England, with whom peace negotiations 
were now in progress. 

Alberoni's fall had left the Government of Spain 
chaotic. The finances of the country were exhausted 
by his great projects. In great penury themselves, 
the Keiths found difficulties raised as to the renewal of 
their Spanish commissions, which they had been obliged 
to make away with at Sedan. Duran, the War Minister, 
promised, indeed, copies of the commissions : 



" But, on searching the journal in which the patents are enter'd, 
there was no such one to be found ; the reason of which was that 
the Cardinal kept always by him a certain number of commissions 
already signed by the King, and fill'd them up himself, without 
acquainting the Minister of War, for those whom he did not wish 
shu'd be seen publickly." 

This had been the case with the Keiths. Duran was 
well aware that there had been such patents, but there 
was endless delay in their renewal. 

Out of patience with Spain, and hearing whisperings 
that the English Jacobites were stirring, and General 
Dillon, James's agent at Paris, also plotting, the Earl 
Marischall left Madrid and went to Avignon, as nearer 
the scene of action, there to await events. But after 
a short stay he wandered back to Home, where the 
birth of Charles Edward had brought great joy and 
hopes to the party. 

The Marquis of Blandford thus describes James's 
Court at the Apostoli, when on a visit to Rome in 1721 
a Court, by the bye, which, as a scion of a Whig house, 
he had been specially ordered not to frequent. How- 
ever, he made the chance acquaintance of a Doctor 
Cooper, who invited him to Anglican services there on 
Easter Eve. When the Marquis stared, the doctor told 
him that " the King had prevailed on the Pope to grant 
a licence for the service to be held for the benefit of 
the Protestant gentlemen, and household, and that 
Dr. Berkley and himself performed it." The Marquis 
adds that he should place this service " among the 
greatest wonders in Rome ! '' 

James and Clementina and their Court were wont to 
walk in the beautiful gardens of the stately Villa 
Ludovici, designed by Le Notre. Here he might be 
met by English travellers, and was easily recognizable 
by his Star and Garter, " a well-sized, clean-limbed 


man, sedate, but with a very graceful smile." Queen 
Clementina, of " middle size, well-shaped, and has lovely 
features, and with vivacity and mildness of temper/' 
The entertainments at the Palazzo Muta in the Piazza 
dei Apostoli were " a bright assembly of premier Roman 
nobility, the best musicians in Rome, and plentiful 
and orderly collations, but the courteous and affable 
manner of reception more taking than all the rest. . . /' 
James knew all about the great English families, in- 
formation he had been at pains to acquire. Daily ten 
or twelve covers were laid for guests at the Chevalier's 
table ; there was both English and French cookery, 
and French and Italian wines. " But the Pretender 
only ate of English dishes, and made his dinner of roast 
beef. He also prefers own March beer (which he has 
from Leghorn) to the best port wines." James was 
well informed as to English politics, and promised well. 
The Marquis thought he would have " become half a 
Jacobite had I continued following these discourses any 

Plots were thickening ; Mar, ousted from Rome by 
Hay, was active with Dillon in Paris, Ormonde was in- 
triguing in Spain, while, in England, Arran and Orrery, 
Lansdowne, North, with old Bishop Atterbury, were 
full of a scheme. With the Bishop, the old ally of his 
youth, the Earl Marischall was in correspondence. 

Neynoe, an Irish Roman Catholic priest, one of the 
London conspirators, eventually arrested, and drowned 
in an attempt to escape, gave out on his arrest that the 
Earl had himself been in London on the Pretender's 
errands, and, disguised, had shared Neynoe's room. 
This is possible ; the Earl was certainly in the plot, and, 
young and zealous and inured to adventure, might 
easily have run over to England from Rome or Avignon. 
But the incident rests solely upon Neynoe's evidence. 


There is much vagueness, probably intentional, as to 
Marischairs movements at this period. 

However, the whole plot failed. The Regent opened 
Walpole's eyes to what was simmering ; such of the 
principals implicated as did not escape were thrown 
into the Tower ; one was hanged. Old Atterbury, 
tried before his peers, was banished for life. 

The Earl Marischall gravitated back to the City of 
the Popes. He liked the Avignon coterie of his fellow 
countrymen ; life was very free and easy there, the 
ecclesiastics were tolerant : " Monseigneur the Vice- 
Legate/' he said, " did not bother him about his re- 
ligion/' Spain paid his pay poor pay, and very 
irregularly forthcoming, but that also troubled him 
but little. 

There were traitors in the Jacobite camp. Seaforth 
had obtained his pardon, but the Earls of Mar and 
Kinnoul, though still ostensibly working for James, 
were more than suspected of taking bribes from Eng- 
land, in the shape of annuities for themselves or their 
wives. Atterbury, at Paris, was now engaged in re- 
vealing these defaulters to James's notice, and writes : 
" Should you think fit to act " (on the exposure of 
Kinnoul), " you will be pleased to notify it to the Duke 
of Ormonde, and I wish also to the Earl Marischall, 
who is a most worthy man, of the greatest honour, and 
that bears the truest regard for you." 

Mar was thought to be abetting the treatment the 
English Government was meting out to the Jacobite 
clans. Atterbury showed up Mar, adding, to James, that 
he " had discoursed with the Earl Marischall and others 
abut the clans, and do not find any real foundation for 
the rude representations Lord Mar has made on this 

Cluny and his Macphersons were threatened with 


expulsion from their Highlands by their liege lord, the 
Duke of Gordon, and by Glenbucket. He appealed to 
the Earl Marischall to intercede with the Chevalier. 
Atterbury sent on the Earl Marischairs letter to James, 
who replied to the letter : 

"Our worthy though infirm friend at Paris has mentioned you 
more than once to me, in a manner suitable to the good opinion I 
have long had of you," and which I am very glad to see confirmed 
by so good a judge of men and one so sincerely attached to you," 
and promises to write to the Duke and Glenbucket. 

The Countess Marischall had made great efforts in 
1722 to secure the return of her younger son, who was 
not attainted, to Scotland ; but the discovery of the 
Atterbury plot shattered any hope of leniency to rebels 
on the part of the Government, and James Keith 
got no further than Paris. Here he fell ill with a tu- 
mour, and his mother came to nurse him. He stayed 
two years in Paris till obliged, as a Spanish officer, to 
leave with the Infanta, when the latter's marriage to 
Louis XV was broken off, and, to the intense indig- 
nation of her people, she was returned to Spain. 
The Earl went back to Valentia. The Countess Mari- 
schall remained for a while in Paris among her Perth 
and Melfort relatives. Atterbury, in a letter to James 
Keith, mentions that she dined with him in the summer 
of 1725, and that he, the martyr to gout, had " laid 
aside water that day to drink to his, the Lord Marischall, 
and their mother's healths/' 

The Chevalier's letter to James Keith, on the latter 's 
return to Spain, shows his good feeling towards the 
Countess Marischall and her sons. 

" ROME, March 11th, 1725. 

" I was the more pleased to receive yours of the 19th February 
that it was a new proof to me of your recovery, tho' I wanted no 


new one to convince me of your zeal and attachment, of which I 
have received so many [proofs] both from yourself and your family. 
I have the satisfaction of hearing sometimes from your brother, on 
whom I place a particular value, and not less one on Lady Marischall, 
who I am sure will have shared with me in a particular manner the 
joy I have on the birth of a second son. Pray make her my kindest 
complements, and be ever assured, both of you, of my singular esteem 

and friendship. 

" JAMES R." 

Atterbury kept the Keith brothers at Valentia well 
informed as to their King's affairs in Paris and else- 

" Lord Mar, some months ago, sent a vindication of himself to 
Scotland, wherein he endorsed his Scheme and justifys himself on 
that and other heads by severall of his master's letters, which he 
has published. ... He is living at St. Germains, where it is not 
thought he will stay very long on this side the water." 

Thus was the Earl MarischalFs long-standing distrust 
of Mar justified. 

The half-mad King of Spain had abdicated in favour 
of his son Philip and his wife Elizabeth of Parma. 
The Austrian alliance was now in the ascendant ; 
Elizabeth's two sons, it was suggested, should marry 
Habsburg Grand-Duchesses. A most popular alliance 
was signed at Vienna in November, negotiated by 
the Dutch Baron Ripperda, whose influence had 
succeeded that of the Italian Cardinal. Against this 
alliance France, England, and Prussia promptly banded 

The Stuart restoration became an integral part of 
Ripperda's plans. He boasted openly of the dethrone- 
ment of George I. The Duke of Wharton, " with his 
bottle and pipe," was invited to Madrid to support 
Ormonde and Liria. Alberoni's schemes were revived, 
and Elizabeth was all for war. 


Old Atterbury was very hopeful and sanguine about 
the affairs of the "Cause/" Writing again to James 
Keith with congratulations on his return to Spain and 
his recovery, he continues that, in his opinion 

" Affairs of importance are now on the carpet, and that affairs 
never looked so prosperous for the Cause in the political world ; but 
that success is likely to be lost through supineness. . . . The harvest 
is ripe for the sickle, but the Cause, for aught I can see, will rot 
upon the ground for want of hands to reap it. 

" Had I language and legs, and were a little younger, I would not 
be so useless as I am ; but now I can only inculcate to others what 
I am incapable of executing in any degree myself. For God's sake , 
spirit up all our friends among you, to spirit up somebody else at a 
distance to be active and vigorous and force his way. 'Tis destruc- 
tion to him to be where he is, and even there to do worse than 
nothing ; to be employed onely in a domestic dispute while the 
greatest occasion that ever presented itself is ready to slip through 
his fingers. But his councils are not animated by any one about 
him ; everything stagnates there, and to that degree as to give an 
handle for the disaffected here to say that there is no intention he 
should ever remove from the place where he is, and that it is the 
interest of those that are with him that he should not. . . . Lord 
Seaforth, you know, has adjusted everything with the Government, 
and is leaving us without the consent which he asked for (when his 
negociations were full ripe) but could not obtain." 

But Austria put a spoke in the wheel. Charles sent 
Konigsegg to Madrid as his Ambassador. He revealed 
the practical bankruptcy of Spain, of which Ripperda 
had been cognizant, and the latter fell from power. 

Elizabeth came under the influence of the Austrian, 
as she had been under that of the Dutchman and Italian. 
To the Jacobites in Madrid the fall of Hanover seemed 
imminent, now that Spain had secured the alliance of 
Austria. " The King's soul was in charge of Father 
Clarke, formerly Konigsegg's confessor, a Scotch 
Jacobite ; his body in that of the Irish Jacobite, Dr. 


The Duke of Liria was sent to Russia as Spanish 
Ambassador, to arrange a descent on the English coasts. 
Though war had not been declared, the siege of Gib-^ 
r altar was opened under a subterfuge. 

James Keith, a born soldier, who could not endure 
inaction, scented active service. Unable, because a 
Protestant, to obtain the command of a Spanish-Irish 
regiment, he joined, as a volunteer, the force which, 
under pretext of building a fort, was despatched to 
besiege the Rock. The Earl Marischall, with the Duke 
of Wharton and other Jacobites at Madrid, also went 
ofi to the Spanish camp. 

It took the Keiths nearly a month to reach Gibraltar. 
Here they found a very mixed force of seven nations 
fighting under the Spanish flag, with a force numbering 
about 20,000 men, under Count de Las Torres. The 
fortress was meagrely and negligently manned, and 
even the Spanish troops, supposed to be building a fort 
to cover the bay against the Moors, were allowed in- 
gress to the town. 

When, however, a train of 120 cannon arrived, 
laboriously dragged over the mountains, the English 
began to be suspicious, and to remonstrate. But it was 
too late. The Spanish trenches were ready, the bat- 
teries thrown up, and the same day the bombardment 
began against the north front. 

The defenders replied, but their guns were old and 
worn out. However, some of the warships came into 
the bay, and " made a prodigious fire all day/' but 
a cable's length from shore. 

On May 1st, the 70-gun Prince Frederic, the Earl of 
Portmore, the veteran Governor, on board, arrived from 
Portsmouth with a convoy and reinforcements, which 
raised the garrison to nearly 5,000 men. 

The following week the four gigantic Spanish batteries 


opened a terrific fire all along the line, a bombardment 
unequalled in the history of artillery ; " we seemed to 
live in flames." Tremendous havoc was created in the 
defences. " For fourteen days seven hundred shots 
per hour were thrown into the fortress, and ninety- 
two guns and seventy-two mortars in constant 

Then the Spaniards began to feel the effects of such 
prolonged and heavy firing. A lull ensued. Portmore 
worked day and night restoring and improving the 
defences. Then the cannonading began again, till the 
Spaniards, unable to obtain supplies and reinforce- 
ments, had shot their lost ball. The garrison, mean- 
while, had been well reinforced from England, and now, 
in their turn, subjected the besiegers to a terrible bom- 
bardment. The Spanish generals represented to Las 
Torres, that unless 25,000 men were sent by the King 
Gibraltar could not be taken. 

The torrid summer heat of Andalusia began to tell 
upon the various northern nationalities, including even 
Swiss, which composed the besieging force. Sickness 
carried off thousands ; each day increased the horrors 
of want ; deserters were numerous, and gave lamen- 
table account of the sufferings of the Spanish troops. 
The roads in their rear had become impassable ; pro- 
visions were growing scarce. 

The Jacobite volunteers, like the Earl Marischall, 
the gay Duke of Wharton, the Duke of Liria, and 
others, must have regretted that they had joined this 
ill-starred expedition. Things looked black indeed, 
when, suddenly, on June 23rd, despatches arrived from 
Madrid for Las Torres, and Lord Portmore. Those for 
the latter were, with some difficulty, taken into the 
fortress by Colonel Lacy of the Spanish-Irish Brigade. 
They announced that a suspension of arms was ordered, 


as preliminaries of peace between England and Spain 
were being discussed. 

Charles XI and Prince Eugene, when it came to the 
point, were as averse to war as pacific old Cardinal 
Fleury, who had now become the Prime Minister of his 
former pupil. Eugene opined, rightly, that Gibraltar 
could not be taken. The siege had been unpopular in 
Spain, and, as we have seen, had made no real progress. 
The preliminaries of peace between the Emperor, Eng- 
land, France, and Holland were signed at Paris at the 
end of May, and peace, as a witty court lady remarked, 
was " like God's peace ; it's long in coming, and passes 
all understanding." 

Thus ended the second of the three sieges of Gibraltar, 
despite Las Torres' proud boast, chronicled by James 
Keith, " that wou'd the English not give him the 
toun, he wou'd not take it but by the breach." 

While the defenders' losses only amounted to 361, the 
Spanish lost in killed and wounded 2,000, nearly 900 
deserters, while 5,000 died of sickness. " And all we 
had gained," writes James Keith, " was the know- 
ledge that the place was impregnable by land." 


1727 TO 1732 

ATTERBUEY wrote, about a month after the siege of 
Gibraltar was raised, to James Keith, that he was glad 
to hear the Earl Marischall was well, and had returned 
to Madrid after his 

" Troublesome and fruitless campagne on which I find he ran less 
danger at last from the fear of the enemy than from the heat of 
the season. I am very glad both of you escaped the ill-consequences 
of both, and wish you an opportunity of venturing yourselves which 
may at the same time be more welcome and more useful." 

For the Jacobites were still sanguine. Elizabeth 
was very angry with England ; for George had really 
dropped a hint that he might relinquish Gibraltar, 
when, in 1721, he was anxious to lure Spain into alliance 
with herself and France. Yet again, six months after 
the abandonment of the siege, war seemed inevitable, 
but the Spanish finances would not bear the strain, and 
Philip was dangerously ill. Though the alliance with 
the Emperor was unnatural, it had been Alberoni's 
last proposal. A peaceful understanding with Austria 
might secure eventually the interests of Elizabeth's sons 
in Italy, which, after all, were nearer her heart than 
was Gibraltar. In March 1728 the Convention of 
Prado ratified the Preliminaries of Paris, and the Con- 
gress of Soissons set to work to strike the vast armed 
camp of Europe. 



Early in that year the hitherto almost inseparable 
Keith brothers parted. James secured his heart's 
desire. On the recommendation of the Duke of Liria, 
now at Petersburg, he went off to Russia with a com- 
mission of Major-General in the Czar's service, there to 
begin a career of great renown. 

His brother remained in Spain, living chiefly at 
Valentia. At one time he had hatched a scheme for 
invading England by means of a naval descent from 
St. Malo ; but it was never seriously set afoot. 

The Earl liked Spain and the Spaniards ; their 
character, the dignified manners of the upper classes, 
and their aristocratic pride appealed to his own. He 
preferred their cuisine to that of the French, and ate 
Spanish dishes for the rest of his life. 

He was wont to say that he had " many friends at 
Valentia, including my good friend the sun/' The 
Captain-General, or Viceroy, was his "particular friend," 
a Frenchman with a Flemish wife. Many of the in- 
habitants spoke French. The air of Valentia he con- 
sidered " the finest in the world. The sea breezes 
refresh the air sufficiently all the summer season." 

Protestant though he was, " the Inquisition and the 
monks and nuns did not trouble him." One of his great 
friends, the Duchess of Medina-Sidonia, of whom he 
saw a great deal, and " who was very devout, wished 
to convert him to the truth." She told him of a 
miracle which was being performed daily, by a race of 
men, who by means of a charm (duly approved by the 
Holy Office) to prevent ignition, had a hereditary gift 
of walking through fire without being burnt. 

" As for that miracle," the Earl Marischall said to 

her, " I would believe it, on condition I might light the 

fire myself, and that I was present at the working of 

such a great miracle." His friend, not doubting of 

i 10 


success, consented to his terms, and allowed him to set 
a light to the fire. However, the holy man who was 
to walk through it declared that he would never ex- 
pose himself to a fire lit by a heretic ; that witchcraft 
was in it he smelt it from afar. 

The Holy Office approved his refusal, and even tried 
to take umbrage at the Earl MarischalTs proposal. 
But, finally, the questadores calmed down, and even 
permitted him, so much did they trust his honesty, to 
have all the books he wished for sent to him in Spain, 
with the simple proviso that he kept them for himself 
and did not lend any to the faithful. 

The EarFs amusements during these quiet times at 
Valentia were reading and shooting. The quail shoot- 
ing was especially good. His books were English, 
Latin, French, and Spanish classics, in the original. 
His numerous correspondents all over Europe kept 
him au fait with all that was doing for the Cause, and 
also informed him about new books which appeared. 

His mother had gone back to Scotland in 1726, alone, 
her attempts to secure at least her younger son's return 
having failed. Her daughter, the Countess of Gallo- 
way, had died young, and the Countess Marischall deter- 
mined to go home to her remaining daughter, the wife 
of the Earl of Wigton. She experienced no difficulty 
in doing so, as, according to a letter of Atterbury's, she 
had in no way emulated the example of the Duchess 
of Buckingham, the Oglethorpe sisters, and other 
Jacobite ladies in Paris, and had not mixed herself up 
in political intrigues. 

Separated from her sons she was not to see again, she 
interested herself, on her return to Edinburgh, in be- 
friending an orphan and neglected lad of seventeen, 
the last Lord Oliphant. She found him in great 
poverty, " would go any errand for any bodie for a 


bawbie." He wrote pathetically of " my dearest 
Countess Marischall, who took charge of my education 
for about three years before her death/' This took 
place in 1729. The mother of the Keiths lies in Holy- 
rood Chapel. 

John Mackay, in his Memoirs, published in 1732, has 
left a pen-sketch of the Earl Marischall at this period 
from the point of view of a Whig opponent : 

" He is wild, inconstant, passionate ; does everything by fits and 
starts ; hath abundance of flashing wit ; and by reason of his 
quality hath good interest in this country [Scotland]. He is a 
thorough libertine, yet sets up mightily for Episcopacy ; a hard 
drinker ; a thin body ; a middle stature ; ambitious of popularity ; 
and is forty- five years old." 

These years of disappointed hopes, of forced inaction, 
were doubtless trying to the Jacobites' morale. Well 
had it been if they all, including their " King/' had 
emerged from the test as finely tempered as did the 
Earl Marischall. 

At times he was homesick. Blitz, a Swiss at Valentia, 
who knew him well, told his compatriot, Jacquet Droz, 
many years later, when the latter went to Spain on 
the Earl MarischalFs recommendation to exhibit his 
mechanical figures to the King, " that milord would 
often look at a map of Scotland, and shew Blitz his 
estates there where his fine castles were, and add that 
Switzerland seemed to him the place where he would 
like to live if it were not so cold/' 

The Earl Marischall felt the separation from his 
brother. His letters to him at this time, elder-brotherly 
in tone, are rather wistful and anxious : 

" I'm very uneasy about your health, and beg you will take all 
possible care of your breast, not only when you find it pains you, 
but also when you are well ; all my comfort in this world is to know 


that you are so, and the hopes I have to see you, for in 2 years 
laying by for that journey my rent viagere, I shall be in a condition 
to make it, and the arrears pay'd me since the time 10 p r cent, 
was stopt of my pension has pay'd my small debts, furnished me a 
little equipage, and near 200 pistoles in advance, my current pay 
is sufficient for my expence here, so that in two years I shall have 
500 pistoles before hand, and I am firmely persuaded that the King's 
goodness to me will not refuse me the consolation to be payed 
absent for a couple of years to go and see you ; I think I cannot fail 
of bringing it about. If I count right I have 200 pistoles also 
before hand in Arbuthnot's. I have wrote him several times to 
send me my account, which I have not received, a sure sign that 
I am not in his debt, there was 300 pound ster: remitted from 
Scotland long ago by our mother to me ; Arbuthnot about that time 
wrote that you owed him (if I well remember) 150 p. ster: I told 
him that out of that 400 he shou'd be payed ; let me know if it was. 
I think I wrote to you at that time, of this. I know you will be 
glad of the hopes of seeing me and therefor write this long account 
of my riches present or to come, and also that you may not make 
ceremony of demanding from hence what this country furnishes ; 
for the money that I propose to lay by for my journey, if any share 
of it shou'd go to your commissions, I count I have it before me 
in Russia with you, therefor make no ceremony in calling for 100 
pistoles at any time. This war which is like to break out, I think 
cannot last long, none are in a condition for it ; two years I believe 
will again bring peace. 

" There is making for us long-haired velvet, which imitates well 
tigre's skin ; its much broader than the common ; 6 barres is full 
sufficient to line a double breasted coat, the price J a gold pistole. 
Send me your measure and I will send you a sute of velvet cloaths ; 
its very cheap, 3 crowns a bar, and a gold pistole is 5 crowns. 

" I told you in a former letter that I have a good damask bed 
with its covering which reaches doun to the ground, it costs hardly 
12 gold pistoles, I can send you, your bed, your cloaths, and your 
lining, in a little trunk, as what you had allready used and left 
behind you in Spain, let me know how to addresse it, and brandy 
and wine, and oil if you will. Let me have a speedy answer to all 

" I grumbled at the price of charges from Spain to Amsterdam 
of 2 casks of red wine, 2 casks oil, 2 casks of brandy, 130 odd guilders, 
but when I consider that the prime cost is allmost nothing and 


By Belle. The property of Marischal College, Aberdeen. 

I. 148] 


that surely the liquors are excellent if they arrive safe, we will find 
that its better to send from hence than to buy what the merchants 
pleases and at their price ; one barrel of Kancio is worth 4 bourdaux. 
the above liquors were ship'd from Amsterdam to Petersburg 
Aprile 21, 1730, to Mariotti for the Great Duke. I believe the fraught 
to Petersburg is also included, but I am not sure, for I don't well 
understand the heathen language of the merchants. You shall have 
brandy also this year, and wine, if you like the wine. Adieu. 

" I have two Indian bows with which I shot an arrow with only 
a wooden point thro' a door, and another arrow without any witter 
fix'd so in the wood that two men cou'd not pull it out ; I was forced 
to open the hole with a gemlet to get out the arrow ; if you have 
any tartar friend you may have them to make a present. The bows 
are very long, and are not carried bended to shoot with, the string 
lies slack, so that when you shoot, there is no need of a brace to 
safe the arm from the stroke of the string. 

" I have sent you to Petersburg 2 seritores of Indian wood made 
in London ; call for them from S r H. Sterling, to whom Thraipland 
sent them ; he sais they are very fine. 

" Adieu ; write to me without fail once a month and send me 
your addresse, now that our friend the Duke leaves you. 

"VALENCIA, July 12th, 1730." 

"I have received yesterday yours of August 3d; once a month a 
letter is our bargain, as many more as I receive shall be accounted 
as special favours, in this last you say not one word of the great 
Duke, es una verguensa ; I suppose him gone from your parts ere 
now. has he left you snuff, or do you want ? 

" The Devil is not so black as he is painted. I don't believe it's 
the fault of the merchants that all does not arrive safe, it's the 
fault of the coopers who have not made good barrels, for my brandy 
leaked in my house ; I shall remedy that fault this year by making 
them smaller and iron hoops. The oil was more than 2 years old 
when sent from hence this season its four, that makes it bad : you 
shall have some this year sent in jars, some brandy, some Siches, 
and trusty old Torrente ; pray tell me can you get in Moscow any 
such wines for the price ; I'm persuaded not. I expect to send 
all by one M r Hanney, Cap n of a fine ship, a Scots man and genteel 
sort of man who has his wife in Dantzig and will forward any thing 
for us with special care ; he thinks to be in Dantzig next spring. I 
have your stones for water, you shall have at least six. 


" If we catch your Lapland witches, al fuego de Dios, we defy 
them and laugh at their proficys ; our fleet is ready and our troops 
admirably fine, the regiments not destined for the expedition having 
furnished their choice men and officers to those who go. The Bishop 
often enquires for you and complains he never once heard from you ; 
pray write to him. 

" Ormonde is here at the d e s i r e of Spain. 

94. 324. 317, 288. 370. 9. 1. 3. 11. 121. 124. 352. 71. 
England and france will c h e a t Spain, we are not 

65. 287. 53. 379. 2. 10. 124. 119. 20. 71. 389. 286. 344. 
p 1 e a s e d with them ; the Em r and his minister s 
18. 112. 1. 6. 3. 124. 9. 398. 366. 62. 287. 311. 145. 3. 
d e s p 1 s e the King, and I f e a r will 
9. 1. 3. 18. 11. 122. 124. 69. 411. 323. 7. 124. 119. 121.845. 
not m 3 d 1 e with him in England, w h i g s 
700. 107. 124. 116. 112. 1. 398. 518. 326. 65. 21. 10. 11. 8. 3. 
and t ory s a re j o inedforar e 
417. 20. 14. 4. 23. 3. 410. 11. 14. 114. 15. 1. 9. 304. 6. 4. 124. 
pub I do not think w a r ,c e r 

18. 19. 5. Adieu. 323. 301. 346. 406. 21. 6. 4. 2. 124. 122. 
t a in. 
20 119. 11. 15. 

" Let me know if there is any good way to preserve furs from 
moths ; mine are not yet arrived." 

" VALENCE, ep r 26, 1730." 

"VALENCE, Jan 11, 1731. 

" I have not heard from you these several posts, and from nor of 
the Duke of Liria for some months ; in yours to me you seldom 
speak of him, which is a yrandc verguensa y picardia, since you know 
the concern I take in what regards him. of Duffus or Gordon you 
never spoke one word, only that you had lodged in the latter's 
house. Senor Caballero amend or boto a tal, I will drink all the bar- 
bados water, and as I wrote to you allready begin your letter long 
before its to go and fill it up as anything comes in your head, let 
me know how your house is, your furniture, equipage, servants and 
the price of wine, if you received the seritores sent to S r Harry 
Sterling, Threapland had them made, but I am not sure if he made 
ship them ; enquire after them ; they say they are very fine. The 
french, its said, offer 100,000 men, but on condition that the English 
furnish their contingent in proportion. I believe they are pretty 


much ambarassed. we are raising a line and fort to block Gib- 
raltar ; the right is to be near the casa de Tesse. I don't know where 
the left is marked ; a good many troops are gone, amongst others 
Mac-ewan. apropos of ingeneers, there was one le Clerc, who left 
this service for a duel ; he had obligations to me. I am told he is 
in Russia ; have you heard of him ? 

" The enclosed note for Baron Wedell ; he is a stout fellow, under- 
stands well the service and discipline of the foot, and also something 
of ingeneering ; his fault is that he can never keep a halfpenny, the 
other for our good friend ; make him my kind compliments, and 
when the brandy of this year arrives give him some. I count all ways 
firmly on his friendship, and am sure he wou'd be glad to do me 
favour. I send you a note of the letters I have wrote several 
months past, that you may see if mine go sure to you. Seal the 

" This I find is a very extraordinary year ; long letters, and regular 
accounts you say you begin to keep ; it can never last. I shou'd 
have thought you fey, but that you have not dated your letter 
(according to the stile of our family) ; however, I know when it was 
writ by what it contains. I thought you had a house of your own, 
is it sold or burned ? you have been much in the wrong not to let 
me send you more wine, since what you have in Muscow is so dear 
and also bad ; if Hannay touches in Cadiz I have ordered half a 
hogshead of sweet Malaga for you ; if he does not I shall order it 
to be forwarded some other way. he has allready received some 
of your things, but I fear the 8 cantaros of Torrente did not arrive 
in time, perhaps he will touch again in Alicante. 

" Christopher Hall will write and let you know what is embarked 
for you. Send me an addresse for Petersburg to leave with Hall 
of Alicante & his brother of Cadiz, who will forward your wine 
and brandy every year in my absence. I don't yet know how soon 
I may go ; perhaps in some few days, if this news that England and 
Spain are like to quarrel about the fortifications before Gibraltar 
does not make me retard my journey untill I see what it comes to. 
I think I allready wrote to you that its a line of masonnery from 
sea to sea, a fort in the midle and one at each end, I believe bomb 
proof, and can mount about 125 guns which reach to the new mole, 
so that the ships must lye of as in time of our siege and the water 
is so deep that they are not in surety in great storms ; four came 
ashore this winter. The Spaniards will not demolish it, and the 
English ministry is in a bad way. make my compliments to Marechal 


Bruce ; next year there shall be some cantaros of Rancio for him, 
tho' I have not the honour to know him. I shall ever be proud to 
serve any gentleman of my country such as him. To Gordon, from 
whom I shall be glad to hear, and to Duffus. To P. Scherbattow 
allways, and I shall ever be his servant, for your present of a Chinese 
or Tartar vive mas de mil anos, is it that I may have the consolation 
of gaining a soul to the high church that you offer me an infidel ? 
you don't consider what such a present wou'd cost. Yet if you 
want a back boy, I shall send you one, tho' not D n Salvador mi 
Senor, le huitieme merveille du monde, as Scherbatow justly called 
him. You shall have the plan of Gib: when I can get it and of the 
fire engine when I go to Valence. 

" I told you several times that anything you had to send me, 
you have only to send first to Dantzig to M r Joshua Kenworthy, 
Merchant there, and Cap n Hannay will make it be forwarded to me. 
keep orange flower brandy to mix with your Barbadoes, for there 
was no flowers to be had to perfume it in the season I made it. 

" let rne know in time before you want snuff. The league with 
Vienne is not yet signed by this court ; affairs are not yet made up. 

" Don't fail to write to our treu friend the Bishop. I shall serve 
the D. of L. as well as I can, let me know if I shou'd write to him 
of that affair. 

" Adieu. 

"SEVILLE, May 2, 1731. 

" when you write to me henceforth count your letters run risque 
of being open'd. I shall send an address." 

The domestic quarrels of the Chevalier and his wife, 
brought about by the malign influence exercised over 
the former by Hay, now created Earl of Inverness, and 
by his wife, who for some years past had been a cause 
of scandal, made difficulties for the Stuart cause. 
Maria Clementina had now betaken herself to a con- 
vent, and James, with his favourites, had wandered to 
Avignon and Bologna. Harmony, or, at least, the 
appearance of it, had been restored, when, in 1731, the 
Earl Marischall was called from his Spanish retreat to 
join his master at Rome. 


"SEVILLE, May 15, 1731. 

" I shall set out to-morrow for Italy, this will be a short letter 
and I shall may be not write again to my Dearest brother untill 
I arrive in Italy. I have left Salvadoret mi Senor, the Black Prince, 
to be forwarded to you. He's the finest of his race I have seen, 
but a wicked little rogue ; keep him in awe and he will come I hope 
to be a good servant, he is about 12 years, speaks Spanish, and 
understands some trench. His marks will be sent you, tho' it 
will not be easy to cheat, for he is el sin par Salvadoret 

"VALENCE, June 10, 1731. 

" Here I am ready to embark the first occasion that offers in 
this place or Alicante, from whence seldom a week passes but there 
are ships going to Genoua or Leghorn, you become a mui hombre 
de bien, for your letters of late have been of a reasonable size, and 
therefor I shall leave orders for sending you every year 5 small 
barrels of 8 cantaros each Torrentes one of 8 cants. Siches, one ditto 
white Benicarlo, one ditto lemon brandy, 4 cantaros Barbados in 
16 botles as was sent this year, a little orange flower water to mix 
with the Barbados ; you must mix but a very small quantity, 
and sugar to your taste of the finest, and if it is not clear as cristal 
filter it. 

" Senor D n Diego, if you find it turns to account to you and will 
save you money, demand what wine you please. I dont send you 
more because I fear to put you to too much expence in fraught 
and entrys ; however, count well if the goodness of the wine, its 
going far by its strength, for one botle is worth four of miserable 
french claret, and that Benicarlo may be a succedaneum to Tockay ; 
have them against winter. 

" let me know if M r Innes, who I am told lives with you, is of 
Coxtoun's family, can you not employ his hand when you are idle 
to dictate long letters of the countrey and of the discipline of the 
troops, the number of companys, of soldiers and officers to a comp:, 
of Companys to a regi:, in a word a detail of horse and foot, what 
service the horse do and of the different use of cossacks & ca, of 
their arms, of their service in sieges, as it will be a large packet 
ask of M r Caskos if he can not forward it either to the Dutchesse 
or rather to the Great Duke, my chaplain I hear nothing of ; you 
don't say you received the patente which I sent in form. 

*' Prince Campo florida has taken your addresse ; he sais he has 
a mind to send you wines ; take care not like a great booby to ruin 


your self in presents, ora put your prick upon this. I again tell 
you to call for what wine you please from me ; I am richer than you, 
mas doblones tengo en la faltriguesa, and I save the exchange by 
sending you wine ; don't spare it. Adieu, my Dearest brother, I 
don't propose to write again untill I land in Italy. 

" I can not get the plan of the fire Engine, write to England, 
for its in print, or send for a dictionary of arts and sciences, where 
you will find it ; its a good book. Harris's lexicon" 

Marischall took up his abode with James in the 
Palazzo Muta ; the summer was spent at the great 
villa at Albano lent to the Chevalier. 

The Earl seems to have been appreciated by Hay, 
though he disliked him, for the latter wrote to Ad- 
miral Gordon, in the Russian service, describing the 
Jacobite circle at Rome, and that the Earl Marischall 
" has the esteem of all who know him, and may 
justly be called the honour of our Cause." 

But the tiny Court of James who " had all the 
superstition of a Capuchin and none of the religion of 
a Prince " with its bigotry, its jealousies, and small 
intrigues, and its atmosphere of eternal conspiracy, 
was distasteful to the honest mind of the Earl. It was 
ruled by a Triumvirate, hated by Marischall and 
General Hamilton. 

The first of the three was Colonel John Hay, brother 
of Lord Kinnou), who had displaced " Bobbing John/' 
who was now trimming again, and negotiating secretly 
with England. Hay had been created Earl of Inver- 
ness, and made Secretary of State, and had turned 
Roman Catholic " a cunning, false, avaricious crea- 
ture/' writes Lockhart, " of very ordinary parts, cul- 
tivated by no sort of literature, altogether void of 
experience in business, with insolence prevailing often 
over his little stock of prudence/' 

Hardly a congenial companion, this, in the narrow 


circle of the Apostoli palace for an intellectual man like 
the Earl Marischall, who had grown up early, and who 
now, mellowed by time, adventures, disappointments, 
and stirring events, was passing from a somewhat fiery 
youth into a calm, philosophical middle age. 

Inverness owed his position to his wife, the second 
Triumvir. She was " a mere coquette, tolerably hand- 
some, but withal prodigiously vain and arrogant," and 
who, despite all James's devoutness and asceticism, 
" had had the honour to please him," and to have 
caused all his dissensions with Maria Clementina. 

Her brother, the third Triumvir, James Murray, son 
of Lord Stormont, had been created Earl of Dunbar, 
and was a Protestant. He had been appointed tutor 
to the Prince of Wales, when Mr. Sheldon had been 
relieved of his charge. This appointment was yet 
another grievance to Maria Clementina, who was a 
fervid Roman Catholic. 

A Prussian courtier, visiting Rome about this time, 
saw something of the " unfortunate English Royalties," 
as he calls them. 

" They lead a very dull life, and I doubt if the twelve thousand 
crowns pension which the Pope assigns to them can make up for 
the ennui with which they are surrounded. The Prince is lodged 
at the palace of the Marquis Monti (sic). He has a great many 
servants, but few gentlemen in his service. Milord Dunbar is the 
principal in his Court, since M. Hayes, to whom the Pretender gave 
the title of Milord Inverness, has retired to Avignon. This gentle- 
man is in charge of the education of the young Princes, who are 
called here the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, both as 
nice boys as you can wish to see. The King, or Pretender never 
mind which is treated as Majesty by the Pope and those who come 
in contact with him. He never goes publicly to an audience of the 
Holy Father, but by a secret stairs ; the Pope gives him an arm- 
chair, and he is awarded all the honours of a King incognito. When 
the Cardinals go to see him he gives them the tabouret. The Imperial 
Cardinals never visit him ; they did not do so even at the time when 


the Emperor seemed most at enmity with the King of Great Britain ; 
whereas the French Cardinals visit him daily, and have always done 
so, despite the close alliance which exists between their master and 
the King of England. When the eldest Prince, here called the 
Prince of Wales, goes to see the Pope, he is treated as the heir to 
a crown, given a chair with a back, and takes precedence of the 

" The Pretender is of medium height, thin and dry, and I must 
confess his person is not very imposing. He much resembles the 
portraits of the late King James II, his father, but is even more 
melancholy-looking. Yet he is not naturally sad ; on the contrary, 
he likes amusements, and would be gallant, if the priests did not 
watch him so closely. Scandal says that Madame Hayes, or In- 
verness, has for some time had the honour of pleasing him. If one 
may judge of things inward by outward signs, he is faithfully attached 
to the religion he professes. But he is not so bigoted as they wish 
to make out ; he has his children educated by Protestants, and 
every Sunday an Anglican minister preaches in the chapel of his 

" At first sight he appears very cold, but he gradually thaws, and 
is very gracious and polite when he knows people." 

Pollnitz dined at the palace, had a good dinner, at 
which no precedence was observed. The Queen dined 
in private. 

" The King sat between his two sons. He talked a great deal 
at dinner, but the tone of his voice was unpleasant. The con- 
versation ran upon rather ordinary topics, and easily turned upon 
his misfortunes. All this Prince's days are settled by rule. He 
rises early, gives the morning to business, hears mass, and dines at 
noon. He sits an hour or two at table, rests a little while after- 
wards, and then, if it's a festival, goes to vespers. On ordinary days 
he walks in some gardens outside Rome he rides thither ; or else 
he tilts at the ring there with his two sons and his gentlemen. To- 
wards evening he returns to his palace, receives visits from the 
Cardinals, sups at ten, and goes to bed at midnight. During Carnival 
he is nearly every night at the opera, and, as his box is very large, 
he is in the habit of supping there with the ladies and gentlemen 
of his Court." 


Poor Maria Clementina led 

" The life of a saint. ... Of all the Princesses I have had the 
honour to attend, she is one of those who seem most worthy of 
public veneration. I should like to see her happy. I would wish 
to see her wear the crown of the three kingdoms." 

To the Earl Marischall the Chevalier showed, as ever, 
great favour, bestowing upon him the Orders of the 
Thistle and of the Garter. But the latter Marischall 
never wore except at the little Court. " One must re- 
nounce/' he said, " under pain of ridicule, these 
vain ornaments, when the person from whom they 
are derived is not in a position to make them 

These favours were doubtless granted in recognition 
of the secret negotiations on behalf of the Chevalier, 
about which the Earl Marischal travelled all these 
years through France, Spain, Italy, and perhaps, as has 
been hinted, even England. No trace of what they 
concerned remains. For, some thirty years before his 
death, after the failure of the last Jacobite rising, and 
when the Earl, disgusted, had given up the decadent 
last of the Stuarts, he burned all his papers, and asked 
his friends to maintain a deep silence as to what he had 
done for the Cause. 

Rays of sunshine in the dull, unpleasant, embittered 
life at the Palazzo Muta, must have been James's 
two sons, very attractive little fellows of about eleven 
and eight. The Earl Marischall mentions that " the 
Prince of Wales had got out of the hands of his gover- 
nours," and was troublesome. He was very fond of the 
little Duke of York. The boys' exercises on military 
subjects he sent for criticism and correction to James 
Keith, now the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Empress 
Anne's Regiment of Guards. He begged his brother, 


who was evidently a hero to the little Duke, to send him 
in return a sword as a present. 

The Keith brothers kept up a constant and cheery 
correspondence, the elder especially " in pain " if 
" Don Diego/' as he called the younger, was long silent. 

"ROME, August 1st, 1731. 

" Don't change your seal, for it makes me suspect letters are 
open'd ; have you not that cristal one I gave you of our arms ? 
I send an ugly old Socrates back, which sealed this last of June 7 ; 
do you know him ? 

'' You are, Senor D n Diego, a most unlucky wight, that yours in 
which you told me your snuff was done did not come to hand. 
Cuerpo de tal, Boto a, do you say you have no orange flower brandy ? 
I sent you a barrel of it, I believe 6 or seven cantaros ; at the same 
time you had another of lemon. 

" I shall tell the Queen that you send her hermine when they 
come. As to Gibal: Mac-ewan dare not give the plan, but you can 
easily conceive it. 

" I have yours from Nova Paulova of August 3, and am extremely 
obliged to you for writing me such a long letter. 

" This is some short account of the publick diversitions and occu- 
pations ; we have none particular. Few or none of the nobility 
come to the King's house, and the two or three who do come only 
on extraordinary occasions to make a compliment, so that we may 
be thought to pass for a nation tolerated, but excluded the comerce 
of the inhabitants. Its true the conversationes are open to us and 
all the world. I would much rather live amongst the Calmucks, 
encamping with them, than lead this life. I make many incursions 
to the country and shooting, on purpose to be absent from the set 
we have gather'd here, where none but mean servil souls are welcome ; 
some others that have spirit are suffer'd (and suffer) because not 
having bread elsewhere, they are forced to silence. Senor Don 
Diego, if I can bring it about to get to you, I shall be easier, tho' 
even then, as the Governor of Philipones said, I shall think myself 
Sobrano cerca de las puertas. 

" I have at last the happiness to receive two, or I may say three, 
from My Dearest brother. I have no way to be easy but by going 
to you, for how soon the month passes and I receive no letter, I 
begin to grumble at D u Diego, if it comes to 5 weeks I call him a 


horrible Tartar and grow outragious, but if the silence last untill 
six weeks I count him very sick or dead and give to the Busses 
many a prayer not pious for killing with Tockay and Brandy poor 
D n Diego. I shall send two fans, by the great Duke : and by 
Leghorn 3 sticks of Tortoiseshell, one with a gold head, and half a 
dozen small pots of Naples soap. Perhaps also some pomade and 
essence ; it may be agreeable to the Empresse, and I can not do 
enough to show my acknowledgement of her goodness to you. The 
little Duke is much on his good behaviour ; he has order'd a journal 
of his actions to be kept and given me that you may see and show 
how well he behaves. I never saw any child comparable to him. 
His brother has allready got the better of his governors, which 
makes him a little unruly ; but I fancy he will be bold and no dis- 
sembler, two great and good qualitys. I shall write to you in a 
few post a long, full letter ; at present I am in a hurry, for I have 
been at Naples and run in debt of letters. D n Diego, do not be 
so magnificent in your presents of furs ; they are cast away. The 
wine I send you saves expences ; it is also fit that you shou'd have 
something besides a pidgeon on occasion to entertain your friends 
(by the by, he is dead, and it's a loss, for he was an honest good 
man), and foreign things and rare perhaps in your parts are esteem'd 
so that what I send is not as a compliment but hoping it may serve 
you, c'est un aimable Seigneur on donne bien a boire chez lui, said 
Sandroski of D. of Ormonde. 2 arobes of fine chocs, made for me 
are sent to you ; you may venture to offer to the first Lady of the 
world for I fancy there can be none better. ... I have to send you 
Chinese mapeps of Tartary. 

"I see clearly the justness of your reasoning in all points as to 
my going to Kussia, and yet can not go at present. I know also 
that my call hither did not proceed from the inclination of those 
here, but rather from a necessity to have some, less odious than 
those employ'd, about the principal person. That as far as they 
can venture they will be glad to hurt me; however fair they in 
appearance carry this appears by a letter, the answer to a part of 
which I send you. But as I have done nothing but what I can 
avow, I can easily clear my self when I please, if they should attempt 
to give wrong impressions of me. If affairs go well I shall rejoice, 
what ever the instruments may be ; if they do not it will not be 
laid to my charge, who medle in nothing. There is reason for my 
staying here yet sometime : tho with my humour who dont love 
dissembling I should be more at ease a slave in Barbary, where 


only my body could be in confinement. Before summer is at an 
end I can take a final resolution as to Russia : if I lose the tyde 
I must comfort myself with 

"' ends of verse, 

And sayings of Philosophers.' 

"As to your brotherly advice to me to marry vive mas de mil anos, 
Senor D n Diego ; take it to your self ; you are younger and stronger 
and of better size to breed out of. Think of it seriously ; Ld 
Kintore, it seems, will probably not have children; after him I 
know only S r William Keith, and his bairns have a blot in their 
scutchion (as we say). I own I should be sorry it went to them. 
If you will marry, I will make over my estate to you, on this con- 
dition, that whatever you can make of it I shall have the third 
part during life if I never go home, and that if I do go home you 
shall have the half of it in land and my house of Inverugie. Since 
you left Spain I had a proposal of bying back my estate, and I 
was assured that I should have had 1500 p. ster. a year and my 
houses. I refused the offer ; your case is different ; you are not 
attainted, and I am persuaded every man in Scotland, Whig and 
Tory, would be glad to serve you. I know that some of the prin- 
cipal persons concerned in the fishery company, in which there is 
200,000 p. s., wish Peterhead in my hands ; we are not of Casta, 
that used to rob or oppress, and they do us the justice to believe 
we would rather endeavour to assist them for the publick good, 
than look for little advantages. Think well of what I have said ; 
I am persuaded, you can ere long get leave to go home and try 
what you can do, and carry back a scots lass of a good family who 
would content herself with barly broth in Muscovy, where you may 
continue to serve. You can easily have leave to go home, and I 
am firmly persuaded, you will succeed ; it's well worth trying, 
consider your family and be advised, Dear brother. 

" Adieu." 

" ROME, Aprile 15, 1734. 

" I thank you for the furs ; let Salvador's be the same as what I 
asked for the other, who tho not so handsome (for Salvador is, le 
huitieme Merveille du monde, as hcherbatow said) is a better boy. 
Send me a sack more of petty gris. The enclosed to Baron Wedell. 
There is a cadet, an honest honourable lad as any can be, by the 
father St. Glair of Roslin, by the mother Wachob, who is on my 
hands ; he is sober ; little will content him, in case Wedell raises a 


regiment perhaps he could do for him ; he knows him ; I would 
pay his expences for his journey. May be you may want him your 
self ; he is a well-favour' d, lusty young fellow ; the best-natured 
creature can be, perfectly honest, a good manager, would look after 
your interest in your family if you could have him in your regiment ; 
he is now a supernumerary officer among the swiss. For his wit I 
can not say much ; the Swiss are pleas' d with him." 

That inveterate intriguer, but worthy prelate, Atter- 
bury, died at Paris that winter. The machinations of 
the Chevalier's agents there, with reference to his 
deceased friend's papers, roused the Earl Marischairs 
ire, especially as he discovered that the duplicity was 
countenanced, if not enjoined, by the Court at Rome. 

Disgusted, he wrote to his brother that the latter 
was " no place for an honest man/' Years after, in 
reply to Hume, who wished for his reminiscences, he 
wished he " could see you to answer honestly all your 
historical questions, for though I had my share of 
folly with others, yet as my intentions ware (sic) honest, 
I should open to you my whole budget/' 

To James Keith he wrote : 

" May 6, 1732. 

" I must open to you a new scene ; after the B. of Kochester's 
death Mr. Daniel 0' Bryan produced an order from the King to 
secure his papers, and Lord Sempyll, who had had orders from the 
Bishop that in case of his death he should deliver them to Mr. 
Morice, his son-in-law, refusing to give them, Mr. 0' Bryan obtained 
from the Court of France an order to take up Lord Sempill, who, 
to save himself and discharge the trust reposed in him by his dead 
friend, gave the papers sealed up to be kept in the Scots College 
untill Morice's arrival from England. Morice offer' d to open in 
presence of Mr. Inese and Mr. Dickinson the papers (for he would 
have nothing to do with O'Bryan), to deliver to them all the papers 
of the King's or of his Ministry, in a word all directly regarding 
his affaires ; but desired that all letters from friends in England and 
elsewhere should, without being read, immediately be burned ; this 
O'Bryan opposed and particularly demanded D. of Ormonde's letters, 
I 11 


yours and mine. However, after Morice giving in a memorial to the 
Garde de Sceaux, demanding his papers, and at the same time 
offering to give, as above, the King's ; and the D. of Berwick also 
assisting Morice in his reasonable demand, they are separated, the 
Duke's, yours (if any), and mine until the affair is determined. I 
own I am piqued at the usage toward the memory of the Bishop, 
for its plain they lay upon the catch ; Lord Dunbar no doubt 
procured the order ; and the man employed was for years before 
not on speaking terms with the Bishop. I suppose the order to 
seize his papers was given in his last sickness, before the sudden 
fit which carryd him off. Why, upon his recovery, was he not 
acquainted with it, and desired to make such a disposition as the 
King might think fitt with regard to his papers ? . . . This I wrote 
in the country 20 miles from Rome, when I was a shooting. Since 
my return I have given a letter of Morice's to be laid before the 
King. His Majesty spoke to me a little last night of the affair. 
He said he could not give to Mr. Morice his papers, for that it was 
the Court of France had them and had put a scelle on them ; that 
myne were separated from the others, and then he asked how I 
would have them disposed of. He said I must write myself to 
make them be given ; then he added that he would write saying 
he believed they would take his word for it. This is all past, for 
I kept silence, lest if I had begun I should have said too much. 

" By this post I write to the D. of Ormonde to help me to get 
away with the least noise, not to do hurt to the cause, for I will 
not stay where such counsels prevail and cannot frankly be told 
to an honest man. Adieu. This goes open by Don Diego Tallboy. 

" P.S. The order to O'Bryan to secure the Bishop's papers was 
dated 14 of Feb., 1731. By a ship from Leghorn is sent to Ad[miral] 
Gor[don] for you 4 Ibs. excellent snuff." 

An unexpected opportunity offered to quit an un- 
congenial atmosphere. The Earl Marischall hurried 
back to Spain for what was to be his last active cam- 

1732 TO JULY 1737 

The Earl Marischall to James Keith 

" You are a very honest fellow and good correspondent, Senor 
D n Diego. I have just now received yours of June 24. The former 
you mention, in which also you say you told me you had sent the 
furs I did not receive. I now thank you for them ; I have not heard 
yet that they are arrived. 

" We are in all haste preparing for a very great embarkement, 
but the season is so far advanced that most people think it can 
not be this year. Perhaps you will go to Persia ; I shall be sorry 
you are so far off, for a specious pretext of going to the court of 
Russia is easier to be had than to Persia, tho I shall not dispair 
of seeing you in 2 years where ever you are. Perhaps an opportunity 
may come of getting me into the same service with you ; if it does, 
seize it by the forelocks, that we may again get together : tell the 
Russes that if they are afraid of the heats you will find one that 
runs up a hill in the dogs days in Valencia at 12 o'clock for his diver- 
sion, and in winter will take the cold bath with them ; who will go 
in their place, were it to Terra del Fuego for a ship loading of sun- 

" I am very sorry your stones for water were not sent when I 
order' d them ; this year they shall surely be sent. 

" I wait with impatience to hear how your wine, etc., proves. 
They say Castelar goes Ambas : extra : to France, and Patino in 
mean time will have the War Office." 

As will be gleaned from the above, a mysterious 
Armada was at that moment fitting out in Spain 
destination unknown. King Philip, for the nonce in 



a martial mood, was calling for the prayers of the 
nation to further his endeavours to recover territories 
now separated from Holy Catholic Church. The Pro- 
testant susceptibilities of England were aroused ; more- 
over, she was anxious as to her possessions adjacent to 
Spain, Minorca, and Gibraltar. Sardinia and Austria, 
likewise, were nervous as to their Italian dominions. 

Spain organized a force of 27,000 men, including 
many volunteers, some of them nobles of high rank. 
Among them was the Earl Marischall. 

He had petitioned to again be given a commission in 
the Spanish service, but only received the old reply, 
that, as a Protestant, he could not officially be em- 

Only at the last moment was the destination of the 
army divulged. It was Morocco. 

The Spanish troops embarked at Barcelona and 
Alicante early in June. ''' The wind favours them/' 
writes Sir Benjamin Keene, the British Envoy to 
Delahaye, " in case they design for Africa, as every one 
is persuaded they do. The expedition was very ex- 
pensive/' he adds ; " but the Crusada is rich enough to 
pay expenses/' The Inquisitor- General, head of the 
Crusade, would furnish money. "... Prayers were 
ordered for the success of the expedition against Oran," 
which sailed on June 15th. Keene enclosed a copy of 
the prayers in French, because he thinks them " singu- 
larly worded. The King says he intends to recover Oran 
from the " barbares africains " as he does not intend 
any part of his Dominions to separate from bosom of 
the Church. The Comte de Montemar is to be Captain- 

" Mortyfying accounts of the fleet. Contrary weather ; it an- 
chored at Cabode Patos, many horses were thrown over board, and 
there is fear of sickness on account of great heat and crowded trans- 


ports. . . . The preparations are meant for Oran only, and they 
may go on to Algiers if the troops are not too much harassed by 
heat and the voyage." 

Apparently the whole expedition was viewed with 
suspicion, and especially the King's manifesto, as he 
had always maintained pacific intentions. 

"... If they go on to Algiers and lose so many of their troops 
they must of necessity be cooled down and quieted. . . . Notwith- 
standing the drums are beat. . . . The Church Steeples are ready 
with fireworks to be lighted on receipt of the news of the capture 
of Oran. . . . Nothing has been transacted or talked of at Court 
but what has an immediate relation to the expedition against 
Africa. The fleet was detained by calms/' 

Later, a letter from Montemar announced that he 
had disembarked without opposition, though there were 
17,000 Moors upon the mountains. He was about to 
attack Fort Mazalquivir, which he expected to occupy 
them all July, in which case Algiers must be given up. 

However, early in July, Keene reported that Oran 
was taken without much trouble. Fort Mazalquivir 
capitulated ; but he wrote that it was as well that a large 
force had been sent, as the Moors were very strong, 
but were frightened away by the numbers of Spaniards. 

The effete and luxurious Bey, " Don Whiskerando " 

"Decamped in the night with two hundred camels laden with 
his wealth." His enemies had a great surprise, for " his house was 
found furnished with carpets and mirrors of the largest size, with 
gold frames. The seraglio was still scented with the rose-water and 
the perfumes of the ladies left at parting. The tents were lined 
with crimson damask ... in short, the defenders seemed Persians 
rather than Moors." 

Had the Spaniards known how strong were the 
fortifications of Oran they would probably have 


hesitated to attack ; but the powder, which was Dutch, 
was very bad. 

There were great rejoicings over the success of this, 
Philip's own pet expedition. The Dean and Chapter at 
Seville had dressed the tower of the Giralda with fire- 
works to celebrate the victory. " There is scarcely a 
Spaniard/' wrote Keene, the British Ambassador, " who 
does not think himself half-way to his salvation by the 
merits of this conquest/' 

After a few operations the main body of the troops 
returned home in August. 

" They are well out of their ' scrape,' " wrote Keene, " as, if the 
Moors had had any common sense, they could have beaten troops 
who suffered from hunger and thirst, as Montemar had mismanaged 
the victualling." 

Spanish opinion was incensed against England, 
when English cannon had been found at Oran, and 
powder was shipped from Gibraltar to the Moors 
besieging Ceuta. But the Earl Marischall must have 
been pleased to feel that once more he was fighting, if 
indirectly, against the House of Hanover. 

Santa Cruz, Spain's best captain, was left in com- 
mand. The Moors returned and blockaded not only 
Oran but Ceuta, with levies from Algiers and even from 
Constantinople, whom Santa Cruz finally overcame at 
the cost of 3,000 men and 4 guns and his own life. At 
first, great were the rejoicings over this " victory." 
Then it leaked out that the troops were badly led and 
became panic-stricken on the approach of the Moors. 
Keene reported, and Marshal Villars confirmed, that 
Spain lacked generals. She had better have availed 
herself of the proffered services of the heretic Keiths ! 

When the Morocco expedition was over the Earl 
Marischall returned to Rome ; and his little favourite, 


the Duke of York, must have been delighted to see him 
To James Keith he writes : 

" ROME, October 30, 1732. 

"... I wrote to you long ago to send me 2 Tartar bows and 2 
quiver of arrows, a present for Prince Santobuono, who was a great 
archer, la las en las Andes, when his Father was Viceroy of Peru ; 
if you have not sent them already, do not slip the first occasion 
to Leghorn. . . . The Duke of York believes that I send you a 
journal of his journal and actions : he stands in great awe of it, 
lest his faults should be published in Europe and Asia ; and is very 
fond to do any good thing to be put in the journal. In your answer 
to this on a bit of paper by itself, accuse the receit of the journal of 
this month, and tell him that against next year you will send the 
damask blade for him. Adieu." 

A Christmastide letter follows : 

"Yours, my Dear brother, which you say was to go by a courier, 
came later that you wrote, it seems by the common post, & in 
which you tell me of your favour at the Court of Urlugh Chan for 
your magnificent present of a botle of Brandy. You know how 
pleas'd I am allways to hear from you. I am also glad to have so 
curious an account of the Calmucks, in whose manners I find things 
different from any nation, the knowledge of which has reach'd my 
ears, for I believe they are the only that dont distinguish by dress 
the sexes, or who are so void of pity as to let their friends when 
old dye of hunger ; perhaps they have some superstition of its being 
a holy death. Senor D n Diego, it would not be civil in me to scold 
in this season by compliments, but let me tell you as a friend that 
you are in some things a most idle rogue, & that by your negligence 
you lose I fear most of the small things I can afford to send you. 
Admiral Gordon writes his having received somethings from me 
which he believes to be design'd for you, but does not hear one 
word from you. I sent you a note of what went from hence last year ; 
at present I don't know what, keep always a list and let me know 
if all comes safe. This year I have order'd for you only six pound 
good Seville, which lyes in Leghorn and shall go to Admiral Gordon's 
address, but from Spain I shall order some Torrente and lemon Brandy 
for you and Urlugh vive muchos anos y guardate el Calmuco tengo 


Castante y solvado que hares con mi Salvadorico. The furs are, I 
suppose, arrived in Leghorn, for which I thank you. I wish they 
were in Rome, have un fris terrible, ay un mez que yela this I say 
in Spanish, for in Russian I suppose I should say heats. I have 
been a shooting and killed a prodigious quantity of game, 15 wild 
boars in a day. My companion, a young English gentleman, swears 
he will make you a visit when you go towards the Calmucks. My 
compliments to Baron Wedell ; I shall write to him by the Ships. 

"Adieu; muchos f dices anos. 

" ROME, De: 27, 1732." 

Time hung heavily, as we have seen, at the Palazzo 
dei Apostoli. To amuse themselves, the little knot of 
courtiers formed an Order of Toboso, of which the 
young Princes were the patrons. 

The designation of the Order surely w T e may impute 
to the Earl Marischall ? Of all the Jacobite circle at 
Rome he was best read in Spanish literature. For 
Dulcinea del Toboso was Don Quixote's lady, " a 
stout-built, sturdy wench/' tells Sancho Panza, " who 
could pitch the bar as well as any young fellow in the 
parish/' The Knight had been in love with her 
when he was simply a gentleman of the name of Quix- 
ada. She was then called Aldonza Lorenzo, daughter 
of Lorenzo Corchuelo and Aldonza Nogales ; but, 
when the gentleman became a don, he changed the 
style of address of the village damsel into one more 
befitting his new rank. 

" Sir," said Don Quixote, " she is not a descendant of the ancient 
Caii, Curtii, and Scipios of Rome ; nor of the modern Colonnas and 
Orsini ; nor of the Rebillas and Villanovas of Valencia ; neither is 
she a descendant of the Palafoxes, Newcas, Rocabartis, Corellas, 
Lunas, Alegones, Ureas, Fozes, and Guneas of Aragon ; neither does 
the Lady Dulcinea descend from the Cerdes, Manriquez, Mendozas, 
and Guzman s of Castile ; nor from the Alancastros, Pallas, and 
Menezes of Portugal ; but she derives her origin from a family of 
Toboso, near Mancha." 


The don lilts, in his love- ditty : 

" Ask you for whom my tears do flow so ? 
Why, for Dulcinea del Toboso." 

The following is a document of the "most noble 
Order/' named after this damsel. 

" To our right trusty and Eight entirely Beloved the Honourable 
Sir Thomas Gordon, Sir Thomas Saunders, and Sir Henry Sterling, 
Knights, companions of the most ancient, the most illustrious, and 
most noble order of Toboso, greeting. 

"We have taken into our serious consideration the Great Pru- 
dence, the consummate valour, and the other Heroick Qualities of 
Eobert Little, Esquire, have thought fitt to elect him into the said 
order, and we do by these presents empower you to receive him in 
due form and to invest him with all the rights, dignitys, Privileges, 
and Preheminences thereunto belonging. 

" Given at Kome, 

" January 28. A. 1733. 

When the war between Spain and Austria began the 
year following young Don Carlos, Elizabeth's son, tak- 
ing from the Emperor by force what treaties had failed to 
concede to him it was complicated by that of the Polish 
succession, in which Austria and Russia promoted the 
election of the son of the deceased King of Poland, as 
against that of the King of France's father-in-law. In 
consequence, France joined hands with Spain to turn 
Austria out of Italy. James Keith and Lacy, at the 
head of a large Russian force, were carrying all before 
them through Poland. The Earl Marischall returned 


to Spain and again offered his sword to the King of 
Spain, to fight in Italy. 

But Philip, apparently, though he had no scruples 
in employing a heretic against infidels, yet hesitated to 
do so against the Kaiser. No persuasion would induce 
the Earl Marischall to change his faith. Whereupon he 
thus replied : 

" Sire, if I may only serve Your Majesty ad honoris, 
I beg him to grant me my retirement/' 

He carried his point. Philip, for a wonder, did not 
even consult his confessor. A small Spanish pension 
was all that was left to the Earl, and that was very 
intermittently paid. 

We have seen how his great friend, the Duchess of 
Medina Sidonia, had tried her hand in vain at the 
conversion of this obstinate heretic. In Rome a Car- 
dinal tried to convince him of some miracle performed 
on a woman by some Madonna. The Earl Marischall 
was incredulous. 

1 Why do you refuse to believe in this miracle ? " 
demanded His Eminence. ' You believe in the 
Trinity ? ' 

' That mystery/' replied Keith, " absorbs and ex- 
hausts the full extent of my faith ; none is left me, to 
my great regret, for the marvels you tell me of ; they 
surpass the measure of submission of which I am cap- 
able, and which might evaporate altogether if I allowed 
people to swell it by the small item. The Trinity just 
fills up my measure. A drop more, and I spill over ! * J 

" I have been some time without writing to my Dearest Brother, 
expecting that at your arrival in Moscow, or at least soon after 
to have heard from you and to have got an address how to forward 
mine, if there is a shorter conveyance than by Peterburg. The last 
I had from you was of July 1st O.S. ; since then we have accounts 
of the army of her G. M. entering Poland, whether you may be of 


the number I know not ; but am now more desirous to hear from 
you than ever, equally anxious about your health & glory. It 
was said here that a part of the Muscovites were beat by the Tartars, 
you are the nearest to them, of those on the frontiers of Poland, 
but I am not afraid of Tartars, for good foot such as the Russians 
e un osso tropo duro for such disorderly folks, tho I think I told 
you that we find difficulty enough in our war with the Moors, who 
fight much (as I believe) after the Tartar manner ; but then the Moors 
have several advantages beyond the others : Fusils which carry much 
farther than ours, & admirable marksmen, horses much lighter; 
they skirmish in small partys of six or seven, their fire does hurt 
in a close body of our foot, & a single man is no object for our 
fire. The moorish horses are taught to stop when ever the rider lets 
fall the bridle to fire, & how soon he has fired, the horse of himself 
wheels about & runs off at full speed. We have none to skirmish 
with them, except some of the guards of the coast of Andalusia, 
& we find them tho in very small number (perhaps 150) of great 

" I was angry to see a translation of your discription of the 
Calmucks in a Mercure, tho there is nothing amiss in it only that 
its neither your business nor mine to be publishers of tra veils. It 
must have been an English parson who did it ; he is a curious man, 
has travell'd over a great part of Africk & made maps of it sent 
by the royal society ; at his earnest desire I gave him a copy of yours 
from Czaritzin. I shall endeavour to send you an exact list of the 
Gen: Off: named for the expedition ; they have got some days ago 
their orders with a Cirego, Cirego ; some are allready gone for Bar- 

" The gun barrel for C. Lewenwold is a making, I have ordered 
to put on L. & a croun on it. I shall send you an other for whom 
you please. 

" Do not neglect to write to the D. of Ormonde, who often and 
kindly enquires for you. write by Waters. I have wrote to Rome 
to order musick to be sent you. 

" MADRID, October 19, 1733." 

Disappointed in Spain, always ill at ease in Rome, 
the Earl fell back once more on Avignon, that Alsatia 
where the free life and the mixed society amused him, 
and again gravitated to his old friend Ormonde, who 


had settled down there to a frivolous old age. He 
" loved Milord not only with the affection of a father 
for a son, but more, with the respect which a man of 
honour feels for one who combines all the virtues/' 

For those among the Jacobites who had faith in such 
things, and of them the Earl certainly was not, an old 
prophecy, which came to light among the papers of the 
late Pope Clement XI, raised a fresh hope that the tide 
was turning in their favour. It portended the restora- 
tion of James in this year of grace 1734, and ran : 

" Dum Marcus cantabit halleluja, 
Et Antonius Veni Creator, 
Et Joannes-Baptista ccenabit, 
Tune regnabit et triumphabit Rex in Anglia 
Jacobus III." 

Which may be freely translated : 

" When St. Mark falls on Easter Day, 
St. Anthony of Padua at Whitsuntide, 
St. John the Baptist the day of Holy Sacrament, 
King James III will reign and triumph in England." 

It is not unlikely that James, himself of a super- 
stitious turn of mind, was affected by the prophecy, 
for he sent the Earl to take a turn in Spain in order to 
note, though no longer at court there, if, in the turmoil 
of this complex European war, there were any chance 
of Philip breaking with England. But the Earl was to 
be on his guard lest, in that event, he should be de- 
tained in Spain. 

To James Keith 

" I have write to you My Dearest friend by Holland <fe by Ger- 
many, now I try this way by England ; being very uneasy not to 
have heard from you since July 1st O.S. I find also that tho I 
do not believe the news of the Russians being beat & having lost 


10,000 men in the Ukraim by the Grim Tartars, it yet makes an 
impression on me that makes me very unquiet. I can not think 
that their disorderly way of fighting a horseback is sufficient to 
force a strong body of good foot & in their lines . but tho I were 
in no pain about your safety its more than enough to hear nothing 
in so long a time from you. I need not tell you the love and concern 
I have for you, since you know it by a reciprocall fellow feeling, 
but as I am in a perfect idle state and not in very great charity 
with mankind in generall, my mind is more closely applyed in its 
affection to those who I think deserve it ; you know that naturally 
you may expect the first place, by a near tye, by long friendship 
and habitude, and by obligations I have to you ; this last perhaps 
you are not sensible of, but I am : to you it appears that the way 
you have dealt with me is so simple and naturall, that it was entirely 
the consequence of our near tye, and it makes it the more merit 
in you that you think so ; but I often cast up in my own mind, 
how rare such a friend of is, & how fortunate I am to have such 
a one. I can assure you that I have an affection for you as a father 
has for his son, that your good fortune stands in place to me of 
personal good fortune in my self, that as I am pretty far out of the 
way of mine's bettering considerably, I enjoy yours and find it all- 
most fully sufficient for me to make me easy, contented, and happy. 
If any of mine reaches you, do not fail to write by different ways ; tho 
many are lost some may pass safe, for I suppose that letting me 
know that you are in good health is not only allowable but allowed. 
Your brother is in good health ; he received lately a little Calmuck. 
" MADRID, January 4th, 1734." 

The Earl returned to Avignon, but in the autumn of 
1735 he was back again in Spain, officially representing 
James at Madrid, his Spanish pension still unpaid, and 
subsisting on a small allowance which Ezekiel Hamilton 
gave him. 

Correspondence with old friends was not lacking ; he 
made something of a home at Valencia, where he 
amused himself bringing up some little negroes a freak 
of his century was to have black attendants. 

Never were such folk for letter-writing as the Stuart 
adherents, in season and out of season, in cypher, im- 


moderately involved, or vague. The Earl Marischall is 
in epistolary touch with " Don Ezekiel del Toboso " 
echo of the Roman days i.e. General Hamilton, retired 
to Leyden, out of favour ; with Ormonde, vegetating 
at Avignon ; with George Kelly, Atterbury's late secre- 
tary, escaped from sixteen years of the Tower ; with 
Carte, the historian, exiled in Paris, and many others, 
a common bond being abuse of Inverness and Dunbar 
and the Duke of Gordon. They are all plotting eter- 
nally, and the Earl Marischall hopes that if it comes to 
any action " I propose to try if I can still do anything, 
or have even hopes of doing something." 

He was pining for action, and yet, philosopher that 
he was, quite content with life as it came to him. To 
his brother he writes from Avignon, June 4th, 1736. 

" If my last letters have reached you, you know that I had asked 
leave to go a volunteer with you against the Turks, I employed as 
agent the Confessor, who sent me back word that he had not thought 
fit to give my letter to the Minister, & gave me such lame reasons 
that show me he had spoke to the Minister, who it seems did not 
care to grant my request and has made the Padre give this answer. 
I go back to Spain soon to live with my horse, my dog, & my 
books ; my greatest pleasure will be to hear from you, therefor pray 
let me have as often as you can. As you have to deal with better 
soldiers than the Poles, I shall be more concerned for your good 
luck & want oftener to hear from you as I know what fatigue of 
indispensable writing you have, make my compliments to Mr. 
Veselofski & desire him from me to let me know enclosed in yours 
a relation of what passes remarquable in the war. the Gazettes 
say that severall forts, which entirely block Asoph, are allready 
taken ; you do not tell me that the siege is begun, perhaps the 
war may be at an end before your long march. I wish you all good 
luck & that you may not come nearer to me by sea as you say ; 
when I am in Spain I shall take care to send you wines & a little 
of what that country affords which may be agreeable or necessary. 
There is some commerce begun betwixt Sette in Languedoc & 
Peterburg, so that Meyer may send my furs by a ship now there ad- 


dressed to Mr. Gaven Banquiein Montpellier. I wrote to you some 
posts ago that Garlics (his nephew) complains he has not heard from 
you these three years ; remember him & Kintore ; I repeat this least 
my former should be lost. The Major or Grand Maestre is here ; 
he comes lately from England, & brings no good accounts, no 
hopes ; we must make the best of a bad bargain and say with the 
Spaniards Sea por Vamor de Dios. I sent you some time ago a copy 
of what G. Keith wrote concerning our estate ; it was in substance : 
that the York building company is broke, that he hoped they would 
be forced to see to pay their debts & that a half of our estate might 
he hoped be saved ; that Kintore, Englishmaudy now Ld Stokertoun 
(sic) , & many others would assist us with money when it was neces- 
sary to buy back, if this should happen all must be done in your 
name, & therefor if there should come an indemnity in England (tho 
you do not want it) yet to prevent all disputes, take your share of 
it. if it should be to such only as go home, a letter from your 
court will do your affair, as being detained in the service. I tell 
you this, tho a distant view, because I suppose this letter will go 
sure, and when I am in Spain its more uncertain & most letters 

A joking postscript to Mocho, James Keith's negro 
valet is added, in Spanish : 

" MR. MOCHO, You are a very big scamp, not to send me or 
Stepan a word. Try to take a Tartar man for me, and a Tartar 
lady for Stepan, and every time my brother writes to me, you 
must write to me too ; if not I will go and pull your ears. Stepan 
shaves me like the best of barbers ; you who know how to shave, to 
eat, to drink. Good-bye." 

Stepan the valet himself added a postscript : 

" FRIEND MOCHO, Place me at the feet of my master. Try to 
treat him well, for he deserves it, and send me your news. Antonio 
sends you many remembrances. 

" Your friend STEPAN." 

Hamilton writes from Leyden in Holland, where he 
hates the Jacobites he meets, and wishes them " all in 
Lapland, or some more disagreeable place " : 


" I wish your Lordship had some more agreeable employment 
than the killing of Wild Beasts, which, however, I despair of as 
long as the two foxes [Inverness and Dunbar] keep close in their 
kennel ; as to the other Diversion of reading, it is attended with 
delight as well as Profit, and if your Lordship should want any 
Books from this Part of the World I can easily send them to some 
Port of Spain. Have you ever seen Barbeirac's Translation of 
Grotius' ' de Jure Bello et Pacis ' ? It is a good translation of an 
Excellent Book, and is in some respects better than the original 
because the Latin is a close and crabbed stile. Barbeirec has clearly 
express'd the sense of the Author. If your Excellency will have it 
you must have care used in the conveying of it, for it is prohibited 
in Spain." 

His Excellency consults Hamilton over his money 

"Feb. 13th, 1737. 

" I wrote to you two posts since, and sent you a Consultation 
for Boerhave. I hope it shall come safe, tho I doe not believe that 
from a Consultation so ill form'd he can give any positif advice. 

" I now send you a consultation for myself, but not for my health, 
which is good : but to have your advice What party I ought to 
take : though I fear necessity may Oblige me to decide before your 
answer can come. Payments have been very bad of late in this 
Country; towards the end of 1735 there was an Order to pay only 
Six months of that year ; but the King [of Spain] was pleased to 
give an order to continue to pay me in full and regularly. Very 
soon after I had Letters of Service sent me to go to the Army in 
Italy, with leave to pass the winter in France : at my return I got 
how soon (sic} ask'd my relief or order to be pay'd what was become 
due during my absence : but can get no payment, tho I represented 
that not only the King had by an order to pay me, notwithstanding 
that to stopp General payments in 1735, declared his will as to me ; 
but that also having borrowed What money I could I had been 
by my Letters of Service obliged to an extraordinary expence to 
provide equipage, and that it was reasonable to expect payment of 
any relief w ch the King has given : you know a relief is ane order 
for being pay'd arrears : but the Ministers of the Huzienda, formerly 
a merchant's boy in Seville, and raised to what he now is by the 
favour of Patinho, who said of him inveni hominem secundum Cor 


meum, has usurped an Authority that no treasurer shall pay any 
sum but by his Speciall Orders, which Special Order has been 
promis'd me every post since my return to this place, but I am 
none the nearer getting it. I go in a few days to Madrid to sollicite 
my payment : there is no getting an Audience of the King : if I 
complain it must be thro the hands of those of whom I complain : 
if they keep me in Suspence by fair words the little Credit I still 
have (by Urqhart's favour) Will be at an End ; and then pray 
what Party can I take ? I think of quiting the service immediately 
if I can not obtain payment, and shall expose to you the light in 
which my situation appears to me. If I stay here, I shall perhaps 
at least get from time to time some bad payment ; but in decency 
I am oblig'd to some expence according to my rank in the Army, 
which by no means I can make. I must live in a continual de- 
pendence and slavery on every Tirant of a Minister : at the same 
time that I can never expect to be employ'd because of my religion 
there is but one case where I might expect to be employed and in 
it I can employ myself. I can in no Manner advance by my staying 
in a Corner in a Country any thing for the general good : I can 
in no Manner help any particular Gentleman to y e smallest advance- 
ment, for if I have helped one or two it has been in a private Way 
and by favour of a friend No way concerned in the publick ; the 
longer I suffer patiently the Chicanery of Under Ministers the more 
they will putt upon me and the more I endure ; the advantage 
which I have in this Country, which I greatly esteem, is the protection 
of the King, which justly extends further than his dominion ; in 
losing it, I shall really be a loser. On the other side I can more 
easily accommodate my expence to my present fortune, than I can 
my mind to it, and more contentedly live independent on a small 
Matter than pay Court in Antichambers to Under Ministers whom 
I despice, and all whose lyes and tricks I must swallow down, and 
thereby become even dispis'd by them in my turn, for tho their 
esteem be a little regard in itself, yet it is Necessary to the obtaining 
for them, what I must be obliged to ask of them. If I leave this 
service, I have three thousand livres lyferent with which I propose 
to retire to some Village in a Protestant Canton in Switzerland, 
and, chosing a Place of cheapness according to my rent, I can find 
among that people a place where that small summ will be a Con- 
siderable estate. I am Naturally sober enough as to my eating, more 
as to my drinking, I doe not game, and am I Knight Errant sin 1 
amor ; so that I need not great sums for my maintenance. I believe 


I forgot the strongest Article in favour of this retreat, a mala cubesa, 
which makes me that I wo na gi an inch o my Wull for an Ell of 
my Wealth ; in a Word I have suckt in such Notions of liberty and 
independence and of y c meaness of Servile submission and flattery, 
for the sake of outward appearances, that I can not accustom My 
Self to follow such ways. I know few will approuve this Party, because 
most people are of different Principels from me, and of those who 
are Not a great Number are carryed on With the General current 
even against their sentiments, and Many others have not the Courage 
to take or follow the Party they think best. . . . Yet for all this 
is but distant thoughts, for I will not leave this Country as long as 
I can possibly stay in it. I have wrote to you my Views in case of 
the worst. When I see how my affairs go at Court I shall write 

" P.S. I send also to Mr. Nichols [the Duke of Ormonde] a letter 
to this purpose. I have not heard from Hicks [the Pretender] of 
many months. I wrote one letter Ver}^ long ago to him, which he 
received and said he would answer, but none is conie to me. . . . 
Formerly he Used to be Very exact in Writing." 

Hamilton to the Earl Marischall 

" March ISth, 1737. 

"... I agree with you that a State of Independency is the most 
desirable, and I always admired Horace chusing rather to be Master 
of his own Time at Tivoli than to live in Augustus' Palace and 
assist him in the writing of his letters, and his letter of Excuse 
to the Emperor is still extant. But if the Earl Marischal should be 
obliged to leave Spain the Question is what Place he ought to choose 
for his Residence. Switzerland is in a corner of the World where 
you would scarce see any of your friends, where he would have 
what Virgil calls ignobile otium and hardly enjoy any other Comfort 
or Advantage ; but would it not be better, in other respects to live 
in the same Toun with the Duke of Ormonde, for the Earl Marischal 
might contract his Expences there within narrow bounds, and I 
am sure it would give a Particular Pleasure to the Duke. Besides 
it would be very agreeable to the Pretender, who was extremely 
pleased to hear that the Duke of Ormonde and the Earl Marischal 
were so long together, and that they were united in a close and 
strict friendship. ... I have lately word that some Gentlemen who 
are devoted to the Earl Marischal have purchased his estate, which 


I conjecture to be with a view of serving the Earl Marischal; but 
surely the Earl Marischal has an account of this Matter. 

" The Pretender's behaviour to the Earl Marischal is very un- 
accountable and not very politick ; were it known it would do infinite 
Prejudice to the Pretender, for to my certain Knowledge the Duke of 
Ormonde and the Earl Marischal have kept up the Pretender's 
Credit, which was declining a Pace. This must be a new Con- 
trivance of the Lords Inverness and Dunbar, who will never be at 
ease untill they root up the Pretender's Interest everywhere, and 

unless they are first hanged or they will Probably succeed 

in it." 

Earl Marischall to Hamilton 

"MADRID, 20th June, 1737. 

" I envy the ease with which you go on a Ramble in your Parts, 
when I think on a journey in the Chaises of Ours, and the little 
accommodation We find on the Road. I believe I shall soon begin 
One of Fifty Leagues and not so agreeably as when We made most 
of it together. I have at last got a new order to be paid ; if its 
obeyed, as I fancy it will, I return to my Dog, my Gun, and my 
Book. It's certain that Porteous was a most brutal Fellow ; his 
last Works at the head of his Guards was not the first time he had 
ordered his Men to fire on the People. I will not call them Mobb 
who made so orderly an execution. . . . 

" P.S. In the first part of my Letter I told you that I had my 
order to be pay'd, that I expected it would be obeyed, and that 
I would return soon to Valentia. I had reason to think so, but the 
Extraordinary Procedure and even insolent Behaviour of the Trea- 
surer obliges me to begin a new Complaint to the King of Spain 
and to ask Satisfaction ; but as His Majesty remits all his Memorials 
to his Ministers and that these Gentlemen commonly join in Defence 
of their Usurped Power, looking on whomever modestly complains 
of them as the worst of Rebells, its probable I shall have no Satis- 
faction, and that after waiting some little time I must ask my 
Demission and quit the Service. Besides the Arts of My Adversary, 
he has in his possession the Sinews of War, which are wanting to 
me ; so that I am not able to carry it on long, and must therefore 
make an honourable retreat, the best way I can, if I get no Satis- 
faction. I have in giving my Memoiial done what belongs to me, 
what depends on Others I am no ways accountable for, and therefore 
the less concerned about it. 


" My quarrel with the Treasurer was yesterday ; the Court comes 
here to-day. I am busy writing out in a clear hand my Memorial 
to the King of Spain, and another to Mr. de la Quadra, to give 
them both to Mr. de la Quadra as soon as possible I can. By next 
post, I shall send you Copies of Them. You will admire my patience 
and that the Perfervidum Scotorum ingenium did not get the better 
of it." 

The Earl Marischall to Hamilton 

" July 6th, 1737. 

" You will be glad to know that I have finished to my satisfaction 
my affair with the Treasurer, he having made to me all possible 
excuses in the presence of the Minister, Mr. de la Quadra, and of a 
Lieutenant-General, a friend of mine in the Secretary's office, so 
that now we remain friends. The little Knight Hally has shown 
on this occasion more spirits and more sentiments than any one, 
he told the Minister among other things that he knew Fulano (such 
an one) meaning me. had not one ocharo (farthing), but that he 
also knew that rather than do anything mean he would go afoot, 
eating bread and water from this to Tartary (con un doblon : y no 
le faltara este doblon mientras que ay Un hombre de bien en Espana). 
I am earnestly invited by the Duke of Ormonde to make him a 
visit ; Kelly joins several reasons to Duke's invitation, supposing 
that not only I might be of some use to him, Kelly, in an affair 
relating to the Duke, but also that I might be of more general service 
by going nearer to Scotland. I do not think that he would willingly 
deceive or flatter me, because the others, I find, are of the same 
opinion ; but they do not know well my circumstances and the 
difficulties in my way to that journey. I have leave to go, but I 
fear I shall not be able to get money. You may remember that I 
have been a long time on a project (near four years) to make me 
master of my time distant from hence. I see little appearance of 
success, however ; write to Urquhart to learn what's a doing, since 
you can write to him more conveniently than I. I must also desire 
that you will keep me free from blame of those who desire I should 
be nearer Scotland, looking on me as one who has sufficient rents, 
and not knowing that those rents even here are little better than 
an empty name, and nothing at all when absent from hence ; they 
may think that indifference and indolence keep me under my vine 
and figtree, and not necessity. If my project should be brought 


to bear, which I propose should bring me to two hundred and 
fifty pounds live rent, I should be my own master, live in neighbour- 
hood, be at the disposition of old friends without troubling myself 
whether my rents came from hence to me or not. I should count 
on nothing from this place but the advantage of protection, which 
is a very great one in my circumstances. Having thus explained 
not only my present case but also my future thoughts and views, 
you nor no body I think ought to admire that I do not comply with 
the desire of those who advise me to undertake a journey of which 
they are ignorant of the difficulties, since I protest that if ever I 
get out of them all honest men shall I hope ever find me in all 
readiness to comply with any reasonable advice and join in whatever 
is good and laudable without invitation : but as I see little appear- 
ance (or rather none) of getting into this independence, for Urquhart 
in his last leaves me hardly any hopes, I am condemned, I fear, to 
end my days, useless, in melancholy retirement in this country, yet, 
as I have already said, I have asked and got leave to go to the Duke 
of Ormonde ; but I believe it will not be in my power to make use 
of that leave, though I shall try all possible means." 

To the Earl Marischall at Madrid from Hamilton 

"LEYDEN, June 19^, 1737. 

"... I am extremely concern'd to find that your Affairs grow 
worse every day instead of mending, as I hoped they would do. ... 
I have enquir'd into the Customs and Privileges of this place, and 
I find that any Person may be received as a Student, but the Privi- 
leges of the University are not so sacred as they were formerly. I 

spoke lately to on this subject upon an apprehension he had 

of being disturb'd by Blomer's [King George's] Agent in Holland, 
who had made several enquirys about me, and this Person, who is 
a very intelligent Man, told him that a few years ago a Student was 
carryed off when Dr. Boerhave was Rector. Spa is agreeable 
enough for ten months in the year because there is a great deal of 
Company, tho often the Majority of Them are bad, and during that 
time it is Expensive, and the Lodgings are dear and bad ; for the 
rest of the year it is a desert, a poor Village in the midst of Mountains 
and none to converse with except the Curate and Barber. If you 
shou'd be obliged to leave Spain, either the place you first thought 
to go to would be more agreeable to you, or perhaps some town 


in Lorraine or Flanders, or in Liege. I had the honour to mention 
to your Lordship in my last that Leyden was a much dearer place 
than it was twenty years ago ; few of students though they kept 
no servants can live under a hundred pounds a year, though they 
remain fixed here, and all the Fares are as dear or dearer than near 
London. If you should be under the Necessity of removing would 
it not be better to get a Conge, if that be practicable, than to make 
your demission ; King of Spain's Credentials would be a real security 
against any Affront that might be offered you, and the Landlords 

of , - , and Holland would not be prevailed on to do any 

injury to one of the King of Spain's servants." 

Marischall had a pet project, already conceived be- 
fore he left Rome the last time, and which now seemed 
as if it might be realized. The peace about to be 
ratified at Vienna, and which settled Don Carlos per- 
manently in his Italian possessions, appeared to offer 
a chance for something to be arranged for Charles 
Edward, who was now seventeen, and had received his 
baptism of fire under the Duke of Liria at Gaeta, fighting 
the Austrians. The Maritime Powers having portioned 
out Naples, Sicily, Tuscany, and Parma, it struck the 
Earl Marischall that Corsica might be bestowed upon 
Charles Edward as an independent kingdom, and the 
Stuarts thus somewhat compensated for the loss of 
Great Britain. The Earl was backed by Kelly and 

The Earl Marischall to Hamilton 

" October 23rd, 1737. 

" I have yours of the 1st September. Urquhart's advice is taken, 
as you know. If I had got no Redress it would not have been 
possible to have followed it, though I have a particular regard for 
Urquhart's Advice, looking on him as a Wise Man and considering 
him as my Friend in an extraordinary degree. I send this by Kelly's 
Cover as the surest way, and hope soon to see him, having asked leave. 
Your friend the Earl Marischall has also asked a Conge for some 
time. Perhaps we may go a part of the Road together [a blind]. 


I have Family Affairs of consequence to me and to my cousin, and 
am pressed by my friends to settle them. ... I will let you know 
if I get a Conge, and my Route. I spoke to you I think when We 
were last together of a Project I had to get Hodges [the Pretender] 
to remove from Potsdam [Rome] where his Business comes to small 
Account. If I could have a Thousand Pounds at my Disposal, I 
am persuaded I could lay it out to so good use as to procure Hodges 
removal to Cadix [Corsica] (the place we talked of), and put him 
thereby in a better way of Business, and would have the money 
also returned to the Owner, it being only to be lent and on good 
security. Try if you can get this done ; but you must use your 
ordinary, which is extraordinary, Dilligence, otherwise it will come 
too late ; and y e same Project if pursued will cost much more at 
another time ; I do not say that it is sure at Present, but a good 
step would be made, and the Thousand Pounds would be returned 
whether we succeed or not ; the Person for whom it is designed 
[the Pretender, or King Theodore of Corsica] being a Man of Good 
Stock, tho' not in ready Money at Present, and if he was forced to 
Sell his Stock would be ruined ; he is a Man much considered in 
Corsica, and of the best Familys of Traders there." 

The Corsican plan had included the placing of the 
Earl with Charles Edward as first minister. It was not 
the EarPs own suggestion, however, though he would 
probably have agreed to it. But the difficulties all 
round proved insuperable. 

Kelly wrote to Hamilton at the end of the year, 
when the Earl Marischall was expected back to Avig- 
non, wishing something could be done against Inver- 
ness, " who will certainly block, if he can, anything 
done for the King's advantage/' but doubting if the 
latter would ever approve the Earl's scheme. If, 
however, " he could be prevailed upon to part with his 
son, don't you think Corsica very proper for his resi- 
dence, and the Earl Marischall invested with the chief 
charge of him ? The other two might remain where 
are and no one trouble. This is a crisis for doing some- 


In the end, a German adventurer, Baron Neuhof, 
from Westphalia, mounted for a while the unstable 
Corsican throne as King Theodore I, and Charles 
Edward's suggested independence vanished into the 

As for the Earl Marischall, news reached him from 
Russia at that moment which banished politics from 
his thoughts. 


JULY 1737 TO 1743 

IN July of that year, 1737, Lieutenant-General James 
Keith, second in command to General Miinnich, the 
Prince Eugene of Kussia, had stood before Ochakoff, at 
the confluence of the Bug and the Dnieper, one of the 
strongest Turkish fortresses on the Ukraine border, 
and gallantly defended for three weeks. The Turks 
were advancing to relieve it ; Miinnich made a supreme 
effort. Three times, through a murderous fire, did 
Keith lead the Russians on to the glacis in vain. A 
fourth and final assault proved successful, but at the 
cost of 3,000 men, and Keith himself was severely hit 
in the knee. 

The wound was dangerous, the military medical 
science of the day limited, and, worst of all, Keith 
would not lie idle. All the winter long, in command of 
50,000 men manning the forts along the Ukraine border, 
he worked from his bed, or from a hammock in which 
he was carried, without adequate rest or sleep. 

Then Keith grew worse; the bad news filtered 
through to the Jacobites in Western Europe, and to 
the anxious brother in far-off Valencia. Immediate 
danger passed, but the wound did not heal. Keith 
had to abandon any share of the campaign which 
opened in the spring of 1738. The Earl Marischall de- 
cided to undertake the long journey through France, 
Germany, to Warsaw, and on nearly to the Black Sea. 



He found his brother in a bad way, his wound still 
open and showing no signs of improvement ; things 
going badly without him at the front. The Empress 
Anne and Austria would gladly have made peace, but 
the Turks, elated by their recent victories in Hungary, 
demanded impossible terms. The Earl Marischall de- 
cided that his brother was in the hands of a bad surgeon, 
and persuaded him to return to Petersburg and place 
himself under better advice. 

The brothers were accompanied by a young Tartar 
attendant, Ilbraham, and a young Kalmuk, Stepan, 
prisoners of war, but now devoted to a kind master. 
With the party came also a beautiful little child, the 
daughter of a Captain of Janissaries, whom Keith 
had rescued at the siege of Ochakoff, Eretulla, or 
Ermete, by name, and who now won her way also into 
the kindly Earl Marischall's heart. 

This heterogeneous party started on their long journey, 
which James Keith found most trying. When they 
reached Petersburg the Empress Anne, grateful for 
his services, sent her own surgeon to him. After exa- 
mination, the latter decided to amputate the leg. The 
General, worn out with his long sufferings and arduous 
journey, acquiesced ; but the Earl Marischall would 
not hear of the operation. 

By great good luck, for it would have been in- 
judicious, to put it mildly, for two foreigners to oppose 
the Empress's own surgeon, the latter fell ill, and the 
operation was of necessity postponed. 

' I hope," said the Earl Marischall, much relieved, 
'' that James will yet have much use of his leg, and 
won't give it away so easily ; at least, not till I have 
bespoke the best advice the world can give." 

As there seemed no immediate danger, he persuaded 
his brother to go with him to Paris, then the head- 


quarters of surgical science. The sanction of the 
Empress was obtained ; she sent for the brothers before 
their departure. 

James Keith was carried into Anne's magnificent 
Winter Palace, where she imagined herself living in all 
the splendour of Versailles. But discomfort reigned 
side by side with luxury, with manners and customs 
almost barbaric. Debauchery sullied the magnificent 
fetes, and in the profligate Empress's immediate presence 
there was coarseness and familiarity. 

The Keiths found her, as usual, surrounded by her 
pets, her cages full of birds, her dogs, her dwarfs, male 
and female, and associating on easy terms with the 
familiars of her Court. Buhren, the grandson of a 
groom, and now Duke of Courland, who for long had 
been Anne's first, but not sole, favourite, introduced 
the Keiths to her presence. 

Jolly, good-natured Anne was full of sympathy for 
her wounded General who had served her so well in 
Germany, Russia, Austria, and Poland. She would, 
she said, " rather lose 10,000 men than Keith ! '* and 
bestowed upon him 5,000 roubles for his journey. 

The brothers went by Berlin. Here King Frederic 
William, himself a cripple from gout, and a prisoner to 
a bath-chair, with his keen eyes for a soldier, wished 
to see James Keith. A litter was sent to bring him 
to the Schloss. Now, for the first time, the Earl Mari- 
schall and his brother set eyes on Frederic, the Crown 
Prince, who had come in from Rheinsberg to meet 
them. He was much pleased with both ; the favour- 
able impression was mutual. 

The brothers then continued their slow and painful 
journey. Arrived in Paris, the Earl Marischall, however, 
was deeply disappointed to find that the foremost 
surgeons there were all for amputation. It was an 


age when they were always ready to draw blood ! 
However, one of them hit upon the excellent notion of 
enlarging the wound. He then discovered and ex- 
tracted pieces of the cloth gaiter which had been shot 
into it, and prevented it from healing. 

Long suffering, however, had so weakened James 
Keith that his brother took him down to the waters of 
Bareges in the Pyrenees, famous then, as now, for 
healing gunshot and other wounds, ulcers and rheuma- 
tism, and especially for extracting extraneous bodies 
long embedded in the flesh. They had been brought 
into prominence some fifty years before by Madame 
de Maintenon, who took the little crippled Due de 
Maine there, and brought him back able to walk. 

In this beautiful, high mountain valley the brothers 
spent many quiet, happy summer weeks. The Earl 
had the joy of returning to Paris with James quite cured 
and strong again ; his diagnosis had been vindicated. 

They spent a delightful time in Paris. No longer a 
disappointed, penurious exile with shattered hopes, 
James Keith had now made himself a great name and 
was honoured with attentions. 

But his mistress did not leave him long idle. The 
Paris sojourn was not merely one of pleasure. From 
Petersburg came orders that, now that war between 
Russia and Sweden seemed imminent, he should take 
up state work. France was undoubtedly backing up 
Sweden ; James Keith was ordered to report on the 
French fleet preparing at Brest. After that the Empress 
sent him across to London to see to her interests there, 
and incidentally to his own. For there was some small 
Keith property which had been saved from the wreck, 
which James Keith could secure for himself. 

It was not difficult for the envoy of the Empress of 
Russia to obtain a passport from George II. Keith 


stayed in London from February till May. Directly he 
arrived lie was presented to the King. His appearance 
in London caused some talk. 

James Keith found that the whirligig of time had 
made a great change. Here he, an unpardoned rebel, 
received by the King as envoy of a foreign Court, found 
his former foe, the Duke of Argyk, the Hanoverian 
champion in Scotland, was just being dismissed. Argyle 
had been in communication with the Chevalier. 

It may be presumed that Keith himself was not un- 
mindful of the interests of him whom he looked upon 
as his lawful sovereign. For the war between England 
and Spain had stirred up Jacobite intrigue. Francis 
Sempill, son of an officer in the French service, and 
living in Paris, and McGregor Drummond of Balhaldie, 
sent from Scotland to France, were the Pretender 's 
agents there, the channel between him and the cautious 

In the spring of 1740 Balhaldie went to Rome and 
thence back to Scotland, entrusted with vague promises. 
An association was formed in Scotland, a Council of 
Seven, to watch the situation, consisting of Lord Lovat, 
Lochiel, Earl of Traquair, and his brother John Stewart, 
the titular Duke of Perth, and his brother, Lord John 
Drummond, and Sir John Campbell of Auchinbreck. 
John Murray of Broughton acted as the Chevalier's 
correspondent in Scotland. 

Upon the rupture between England and Spain the 
Chevalier sent Ormonde and the Earl Marischall to 
Madrid, in January ; but there was no opening for the 
cause there. 

" Nothing," the latter wrote to James, on June 21st, " has been 
intended against the English Government, which they know was 
forced into the war, and which they count on as ready to forward 
peace as soon as they dare." 


James replied : 

" I am between hope and fear, though I think there is more room 
for the first than the last, as you will have perceived by what Lord 
Sempil has, I suppose, writ to you. I conclude I shall some time 
next month see clearer into great affairs." 

Sempill was trying to incite pacific old Cardinal 
Fleury, now supreme with Louis XV, to an invasion of 
Great Britain. 

" The scheme proposed was that 3,000 French troops should be 
sent to Scotland, 1,500 to Inverness to join Lord Lovat, and 1,500 
to be landed in the West, near Sir James Campbell's House ; that 
Sir James Campbell was to go to the Isle of Mul to raise the Macleans, 
and from thence to Ila ; that the McDonalds and the McLeods 
were to march through Rosshire to join the Frasers, thence to Athol, 
Dunblain, and Crief ; that the Lord Marischal was to command 
other 3,000 men ; that the Comte de Saxe was to command with 
12,000, within two or three days' reach of London." 

On reaching Madrid the Earl Marischall wrote to the 
Chevalier thanking him for the commission he had 
given him as Commander-in-Chief in Scotland in the 
event of the invasion taking place. He added news of 
his brother's meeting with Argyle in London. 

" He had more civility from Julius [Argyle] than from any one 
else ; but Julius never would give him any encouragement to converse 
of y r Majesty's affairs. They were together when Julius got a 
message that vexed him [his dismissal]. He said, on reading it, 
* Mr. Timothy [James Keith], fall flat, fall edge, we must get 
rid of these people,' which might imply both man and master 
[George and Walpole], or only the man. . . . Timothy resolved, 
on this, to speak freely to him ; but I much fear he has had no 

James Keith returned to Russia in July. When the 
brothers parted they made a queer exchange. The 
Earl Marischall gave him a young negro he had re- 


ceived from a companion in arms in the Spanish service, 
Comte Day die. The negro served James Keith faith- 
fully through toil and danger till his death. 

With the Earl Marischall to Spain went not only 
Ilbraham and Stepan, but also the child Ermete. The 
Earl adopted her, and became so fond of her that the 
following year he made a will in her favour. 

The death of Charles VI was an excuse for several 
of the Powers, despite their adhesion to his Prag- 
matic Sanction, to attempt to secure some portion of 
his dominions. Spain had claims on Hungary and 
Bohemia. But her expedition to Morocco had deprived 
her of her best General, who was irreplaceable. She now 
remembered James Keith, whom she had spurned, and 
by an underground scheme attempted not only to filch 
him from Russia, but also, indirectly, to help her ally 
France, and the latter 's ally Sweden. Twenty-nine 
years later the Earl Marischall signed the following 
account of the proceeding, in which he had an involun- 
tary share. 

" Lord Marischall received in Valentia, in the year 1740 or 1741 
during the war between the Muscovites and the Swedes at a Time 
when his brother commanded the Russian Army in Finland against 
the Swedes, in the absence of Marshal Lasay, received I say a letter 
from Don Sebastian de la Quadra, Minister to the King of Spain, 
telling him that his brother Mr. Keith, having demanded to return 
into the Spanish service, His Most Catholic Majesty had accordingly 
received him as Lieutenant-General, and that the King ordered 
him, Lord Marischall, to acquaint his Brother of this. 

" Lord Marischall being persuaded there was something in this he 
could not well understand, wrote in answer to Don Sebastian de la 
Quadra, to thank the King in his Name, and in that of his Brother's ; 
but as that Mr. Keith his Brother had not given the least hint to 
him, he must have very strong reasons for keeping The Secret. That 
therefore he entreated his Excellence, Don Sebastian, to inform 
Mr. Keith of this Mark of His King's Favour by the same Channel 
through which Mr. Keith had asked it, 


" Don Sebastian in Return to Lord MarischaPs Letter, answered 
that he knew nothing at all of the affair ; that it was un officio de 
Cambaxdera de Francia (the most worthy Bishop of Rennes). 

" Lord Marischal never heard more of it in Spain ; but his 
Brother having followed the Track found it to be a Trick of Cardinal 
Fleury and the Bishop of Rennes to render to Mr. Keith, then Head 
of the Russian Army, suspected and perhaps arrested by the Court 
of Petersburg as guilty of betraying their Interests. The Swedes, 
upon Mr. Keith's Person being seized, were to attack the Muscovites. 
Some Time after, when Mr. Keith was in Sweden as Russian Minister; 
a Swedish Minister (I believe Nolken) owned to him that this was 
a Contrivance of the Court of France, in conjunction with Sweden. 

" All above is true, and verifyes the Spanish poverb to give no 
hara ct Diablo un prayle, or a Cardinal, or a Bishop. 

" (Signed) MARISCHAL. 

"BERLIN, February Uth, 1769." 

All through 1741 the pressure of the Jacobite agents 
in Paris and Rome, and the procrastination of Fleury, 
with his wait-and-see policy, went on ceaselessly ; while, 
in Madrid, the Earl Marischall found that the army 
and fleet in Italy absorbed entire attention. He wrote 
begging James's permission to withdraw into the country, 
to his beloved Valentia La liuerta di Valenzia, the 
garden of Valencia and " to be allowed to live quietly 
with a great Plutarch in the way I wish/' 

However, eventually, he was roused to coming to 
France. He was appointed James's senior Major- 
General, and, to protect him from Leze-majeste, the King 
of Spain offered letters of command, which would cover 
his fighting the King of England, with whom Spain was 
at war. But the Earl Marischall declined a bogus 
commission as a means of safety ; he wished to work 
honestly for the cause, even should it be the most 
dangerous way. 

A rather aloof figure, we see " the honourable fool " 
as Balhardie and Sempil called him cautious and 


upright among the restless, shifting, jealous and mole- 
like conspirators Balhaldie, sanguine and visionary, the 
go-between of Paris and Home ; Murray of Broughton, 
James's agent in Scotland, so shortly to turn traitor ; 
Sempill, the King's man at Paris, mining secretly with 
Fleury ; frank, naive, unguarded Carte ; Red, appearing 
and vanishing at critical moments ; Inverness and his 
brother-in-law, devoid of honour and only playing their 
own game. 

The Earl Marischall first gravitated to the old leader 
of his youth, Ormonde, now a most hopelessly broken 
reed. Lady Mary Montague, who visited him at 
Avignon the following year, found him sunk in senile 
decay, " had forgotten every part of his past life, and 
to be of no party." 

The " Association/' or Council of Seven, Murray of 
Broughton says, the Earl " hated, with the contempt 
and ridicule it deserved." The truth was that, after 
his bitter experiences of 1719, the mistrustful Earl was 
impatient with Sempill and Balhaldie, who exaggerated 
the state of feeling in Scotland to James, and promised 
" mountains and marvels," in the shape of the descent 
of the French force. Murray was of opinion subse- 
quently that, had the Earl landed with the army Fleury 
had promised, " the party would have been consider- 
ably encouraged." 

Sempill, on the other hand, insinuated that the Scotch 
Jacobites thought the Earl lukewarm. This is belied 
by his letter to his uncle, Lord John Drummond, who 
was busy buying a Highland dress for the Duke of York 
to wear at the Carnival. The truth was that the Earl 
saw through Balhaldie and Sempill, who exaggerated 
the readiness and the number of the Scottish Jacobites ; 
this made him unpopular, and they dubbed him " an 
honourable fool." 
i 13 


" Copy of my Lord MarischalVs Letter to Lord John Drummond, the 
original returned to Lord John, 2lst March, 1743." (Quotation 
in Edgar's handwriting.) 

" BOULOGNE, February 12th, 1743. 

" I have the honor of your obliging letter and beg you to do me 
the justice to be well assured of my sincere esteem, friendship, and 
attachment. I think I see in you an Uncle whom I loved and 
respected for his great honor, and a Brother who is dear to me, 
for you are like both. Let us give over compliments, and when we 
write to each other shorten as much as we can our letters, for neither 
of us love scribbling. I must tell you I have had three days ago 
a pretty odd one from Lord Semphil. There are two points in it 
which I must tell you. One that his Lordship is pleased to tell me 
that my not having sent him a message to certain folks in Scotland, 
and not having learnt from him what I already know from the 
King, may make them think that I have a little curiosity on a 
subject which, above all others, they have most at heart, and that 
I slight them, and that the measures they have taken, tho' they have 
omitted nothing on their part, to prove the esteem they have of 
me. To this accusation or threatening of his Lordship, for I think 
it looks like both, I have answered, that he may remember that 
I told him in Paris the King had done me the honour to inform me 
fully of the affair, and to which his Lordship could add nothing ; 
and that I flatter myself, that notwithstanding his Lordship's kind 
fears, people would still do me justice to believe that I have more 
than bare curiosity on a subject where the interest of my King 
and my country is so nearly concerned (not to speak of my own). 
Where I see a noble spirit, and where I am sensible a great deal 
of honour is done me, and I add, that I still hope these gentlemen 
will do me the honour and justice to believe that I shall never fail 
either in my duty to my King and country, my gratitude to them 
for their good opinion, or in my best endeavours to serve. 

" The next point of his letter I shall trouble you with is, con- 
cerning my being here. I shall give you his words, not being so 
long as his other chapter. He says that my being here has already 
made a great noise among the King's subjects on this side of the 
water, and adds, ' I can't but own to your Lordship, that, as surmises 
are easily spread, so I fear your being so near the coast, at this 
time, may occasion some speculations on t'other side also, which 
would both raise the jealousy of the Government and the terrors 
of our friends, who are but too susceptible of alarms.' The meaning 


of this to be that his Lordship will try ways and means to oblige 
me to remove, for reasons known to himself. 

" Yours, adieu." 

Lord John wrote to Edgar, James's Secretary, urging 
that the Earl Marischall should be employed instead 
of Balhaldie, " obliged to fly the country in danger of 
being taken up for a Fifty-pound note." The idea was 
excellent; had it been adopted, '45 would probably 
never have taken place. For Balhaldie and Sempill it 
was who induced Louis to espouse the Jacobite cause 
and bring Charles Edward to France. 

Lord John Drummond 

" Proposed most humbly that all we petty politicians should be 
entirely layd aside, who will do more harm than good, and now 
that my L. M. is so well in the way, he should be ordered to settle 
a correspondence with Scotland, or at least have the name for 
it, for though Lord Sempil by his words and letters seems to pretend 
ther ar great things a-bruing in Scotland, I do not believe it, nor 
can it be till it cummes to an essential undertaking. By my L. M. 
appearing immediately emploied, would give such a credit to affairs 
in Scotland as would be above all suspicion from his Majesty's 
friends and all aspersion from his enemies. It would bring in 
people that would deal with nobody else, and pout things in such a 
channel, as where the real business comes, it should go without any 
manner of inconveniency." 

Edgar's reply is corrected in the hand of his master, 
always trying to keep the peace. 

" Enfin, your Ldship may be perfectly at ease on the subject of 
the greater part of your letter. I am heartily sorry that there 
should be any coldness betwixt Lord Marischal and Lord Sempil. 
There was formerly, I know, a great intimacy between them. I am 
well acquainted with the great esteem and attachment Lord Sempil 
had for Lord Marischal, and I think I could answer for Lord Sem- 
pil that he is noways altered towards him. If after this Lord 
Sempil has writ anything that displieses Lord Marischal it has, I 


am persuaded, proceeded from a pardonable but perhaps unjust solici- 
tude to keep up their former friendship and noways out of want 
of true regard and concern for the Lord Marischal, for whom I know 
the King has the greatest value and both has and will take all 
occasion of shewing it." 

The Earl Marischall moved on to Boulogne, whence 
the fleet for the descent was to set forth. He took up 
his residence at a country house two leagues out of the 
town, where young Lord Elcho found him when he 
landed in the midst of a " menagerie of young heathen " 
Ermete, Stepan the Tartar, Ilbraham the Turk, the 
former said to be related to the Grand Lama, the 
ecclesiastical ruler of Tibet, and called therefore by 
the Earl his " chief chaplain." 

Murray of Broughton urged the Earl on from Scot- 

" That, knowing his innate Loyalty and attachment to the interest 
of the Royal Family, his popularity, and the entire confidence the 
Party reposed in him, I thought it my duty to acquaint him that 
I was extremely sorry to find such differences subsisting among 
the several persons employed in the King's affairs, and know of 
none so fit to reconcile them as his Lordship ; that his residence 
upon the coast made a correspondence easy, and begged with 
submission to insinuate that his applying himself to execute such 
a scheme would be meritorious and of vast importance at this 
juncture; adding, if my taking the liberty to write was using too 
much freedom, I hoped he would forgive me and attribute it to 
nothing but a zealous passion to serve the Cause." 

The Earl Marischall sat at Boulogne, waiting, as he 
put it, " for the Angel to stir the pool." 

1743 TO JUNE 1745 

VACILLATING old Fleury died at the beginning of 1743 
and the project, which was his alone, lapsed. Keeping 
Cardinal Tencin, who succeeded Fleury as first Minister, 
in the dark, Sempil and Balhaldie turned to Amelot, the 
Foreign Minister. The King's mistress, the Duchesse de 
Chateauroux, favoured the Jacobites, and Amelot 
satisfied himself that those in Scotland were ready, 
though, warned by past experience, they were sceptical 
of Balhaldie 's representation of the attitude of France. 
Murray of Broughton went to Paris, and received a 
vague assurance of Louis's support as soon as the situa- 
tion of his affairs would permit. 

It was the sudden change of front of George II, who, 
breaking his neutrality, himself took command of a 
Pragmatic army in the Netherlands and fought at 
Dettingen in June 1743, that drove Louis into decisive 

The moment was propitious ; the British shores were 
unprotected, the people discontented. 

In November the order was given for the preparation 
of an army, and of transports for their embarkation, for 
a descent on a large scale in England. In December 
Ormonde received a commission as General of the ex- 
pedition and as Eegent till Charles Edward should 
arrive from Home, and the Earl Marischall was ap- 



pointed to the command of a division, " with some small 
assistance/' to be used in Scotland. 

James had written to his adherents in Scotland that 
he feared 

" It will be impossible for General Keith to come in time to 
Scotland, how much so ever both I and I am persuaded he himself 
desires it ; because you will see easily that one of his rank and 
distinction could not well quit the service he is in, either abruptly 
or upon an uncertainty." 

From James to Earl Marischall 

" ROME, December 23rd, 1743. 

" I can give you no other directions, but to follow those of H. 
M.C.M., who intends to send you into Scotland with some small 
assistance, to back and support the expedition in England. I 
doubt not of the zeal and alacrity with which you will perform 
your part on that great occasion ; and, when you arrive in Scotland, 
you will take upon you the command which has been so long de- 
signed for you, according to the commission of General you have 
lying by you. When you arrive there you will, I am sure, act to 
the utmost of your power for the good of my service ; and as you 
will, doubtless, act by the advice and assistance of some of our 
principal friends, I recommend to you, in particular, for that effect, 
the Duke of Perth, the Lord Lovat, Sir James Campbell of Auchin- 
breck, and Mr. Cameron of Lockyal, younger, for the Highlands, and 
the Earl of Traquair, and the Earl of Aberdeen, if he should joyn, 
for the Lowlands." 

Amelot had sent on an agent to England to see how 
the land lay. Taken in hand by Balhaldie and others, 
he reported on his return in October most eulogistically 
on the strength of the English Jacobites. Amelot, as 
we have seen, hesitated no longer, and gave orders to 
prepare the expedition. Balhaldie went to Rome to 
inform James, who had already decided, should oppor- 
tunity occur, to send Charles Edward with it. 

So, Tencin conniving, Charles Edward, pining for 


action, left Rome secretly in December 1743 and reached 
France. He stayed a fortnight at Lord SempilFs house 
at Paris, but no notice was taken of him by the Court, 
who did not wish to appear involved. Sempill invited 
the Earl Marischall, to whom the anxious Chevalier had 
written, and his young friend, Lord Elcho, to come and 
see the Prince. 

" They went separately. He told them that the King of France 
was to send him over to England from Dunkirk at the head of 
12,000 men, that there was to be a fleet to sail from Brest to support 
that Embarkation, and that he was to land in the river Thames as 
near London as they could. He told the Earl Marischal, who had 
the Chevalier's commission to command in Chief in Scotland, that 
he was to be sent to Scotland with the Irish Brigade. He desired 
the Earl Marischal and Lord Elcho to get ready, and told them 
he was to sett out for the see coast in a Short time. He Seemed 
very desirous his being at Paris Should be kept as secret as possible." 

Charles Edward then went on to Gravelines on the 
coast, with only Lord John Drummond and Buchanan, 
steward" to the Paris banker Macdonald. Here he re- 
mained, and was kept in rigid seclusion. 

" No one knows where I am nor what has become of me," he 
writes to his father. " I am entirely buried to public . . . you'd 
laugh very heartily if you saw me going out with a single servant 
to buy fish, and squabbling for a penny more or less.'* 

A few days later he adds : " Everyone is wondering 
where the Prince is ... sometimes he is told news of 
himself to his face, which is very diverting/' 

Murray of Broughton subsequently denounced Bal- 
haldie and Sempill, first for bringing Charles Edward 
from Rome, and then keeping him confined at Paris, 
and had " carried him to Gravelines, to engross there 
to themselves . . . and Sir John Campbell neglected 
of his pension, and Balhaldie got 6,000 livres for him- 
self from the King/' 


The army of invasion had collected at Lille, St. 
Omer, and Bergues, to embark at Dunkirk under the 
Marechal de Saxe. But there ensued a delay in getting 
ready the transports, and the winter season cooled down 
the conspirators, who advised a postponement till the 
English Members of Parliament could withdraw to their 

The squadron of fifteen ships of the line, and five 
frigates under Roquefeuil, who were to watch for Eng- 
lish ships in the Channel and keep them off Dunkirk, 
sailed from Brest on February 6th. But it was a most 
stormy spring, and they experienced very heavy 
weather, north-easterly gales, and there was much 
sickness aboard. 

With great secrecy transports of all kinds had been 
collected, and the Governor of Dunkirk let into the con- 
fidence, and by February 21st thirty arrived in port. 

But the appearance of the French fleet in the Channel 
had alarmed Great Britain, who had only six vessels 
ready for sea at Spithead. The delay occasioned by 
the bad weather, however, gave Admiral Norris time 
to collect twenty ships of the line and to come into 
the Downs to watch the enemy. On February 23rd, 
warned that it was off Dungeness, he sailed to meet 
it, and the two fleets lay face to face. 

Two days later the Earl Marischall, with his uncle 
Lord Louis Drummond, and McDonald of Glengarry, 
the younger (who has been recently identified as Pickle 
the spy) as aide-de-camp, reached Dunkirk. Marischall 
took with him many assurances on the part of the 
King of France that he would find the troops ready to 
be embarked under his command for Scotland. But 
he stayed several days at Dunkirk without being able 
to make any arrangement with Marechal Saxe, and 
wrote a complaint to d'Argenson. 

From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 

I. 200] 


"A DON KERQTJE, Mars 1722. 

" Je partis de Paris le mardi 25 du mois de Fevrier, ainsi que 
j'avois eu I'honneur d'en couvien avec vous. Come je n'ai point 
de repoDse le lundi a mes demandes je ne doutois point d'en trouver 
ici chez M r le Cte de Saxe, selon que vous me 1'aviez fait esperer. 

" My lord Sempill m'a ecrit sur ma route que mes demandes 
avient ete jugees raisonables, et qu'il etoit meme probable que 
vous m'accorderiez plus de troupes que fen avois demande. Ce 
qui me feroit grand plaisir, mais j'ay I'honneur de voir tous les 
jours a Donkerque Monsieur le Comte de Saxe, et je n'ay pas eu 
encore la plus legere instruction. Cependant dont le terns presse 
et jusqu'a que je sache parfaitement sur quoy je dois tabler je ne 
former aucun bon et solide project, ni donner de mes cromelles 
(conseils) et faire savoir ce qu'il convient que sachent et fassen 
preventivement pour les bonnes dispositions de nos amis en Ecosse 
en cas que je le trouve necessaire, et que j'en ay des occasions. 
J'ay recu un ordre de Monsieur le Prince de Galles d'unvoyer aux 
chefs des Montagnards d'Ecosse en meme terns que 1'ordre de 
prendre les armes, vinght shillings par homme qu'ils doivant fournir, 
les vinght shilling valent un livre sterling ; les chefs se sont engage 
de fournir 19,400 hommes. La somme que ce seul article exige 
excede celle que je vous ay demandee, ainsi, Monsieur, il a fallu 
necessairement que j'ai I'honneur de vous informer pour que votre 
prevoyance prenne les mesures convenables a me procurer le possi- 
bilite de satisfaire aux frais de la premiere levee de nos montagnards, 
en surplus des Sommes que j'ayintendu demandupour les soldyer, 
subsister, etc. 

" II y a Monsieur assez de vaisseaux dans les ports de Dunkirk, 
Calais, et Boulogne, pour avoir fait les deux expeditions en meme 
terns. Vous savez mieux que personne par vos propres lumieres 
combien il est avantageux en de semblables entreprises de ne pas 
perdre un moment. Je m'en rapporte done a la confiance que je 
dois a votre prudence consommee dans les grandes affaires." 

It appears that it was Saxe who had made the pro- 
mises to the Earl Marischall, yet he had been sent to 
Dunkirk with " neither definite orders nor money. " 

Murray of Broughton subsequently charged Balhaldie 
with having " sent Lord Marischall to Dunkirk without 
money or any distinction of troops for Scotland/' 


By February 28th the troops had collected at Dun- 
kirk and Saxe was hurrying on the embarkation. The 
English Jacobites had promised to send Thames pilots 
under one Red to guide the transports. But there was 
no sign of them, and Saxe grew anxious. The co-opera- 
tion of the English adherents appeared problematical. 
He fell back on smugglers at Dunkirk, Calais, and 
Boulogne, mostly Jacobites. 

Admiral Bart, in charge of the preparation of the 
transports at Dunkirk, secured two English sea-captains, 
shut them up in a room, fed them well, and allowed 
them to speak to no one. Red, a Sussex landowner, 
barely set foot on shore at Dunkirk, with much trepida- 
tion, and returned home at once, in dread lest his 
journey should become known and his estates confis- 
cated. He was unable to find either Saxe or Charles 
Edward, and imagined that the expedition had fallen 
through. He left behind him a letter to Saxe, suggest- 
ing the hastening of the invasion, and that, though the 
London Jacobites were ready to receive him, it would 
be well to support the first embarkation by a second. 

But the English Jacobites were both supine and 
futile. Cockburn, in London, left the key of the 
Chevalier's cypher lying on the window-seat of a 

The sailing of the Brest squadron had alarmed Eng- 
land. In vain did Bart at Dunkirk beg that all letters 
of England and Holland should be detained, in order 
to keep the preparations at Dunkirk from the British 
Government as long as possible ; the news spread. On 
the 25th Admiral Barailh sailed into Dunkirk with his 
squadron from Nantes and Havre, which was to escort 
the transport. Forthwith an order was issued that no 
vessel of any kind was to leave any port between Dun- 
kirk and Boulogne. 


" The Earl Marischall was all the time at Dunkirk, but was not 
at all Consulted ; and whenever he Ask'd about the Embarkation 
for Scotland, he was told it would take place after the other was 

But he was not idle ; he employed an old French 
sailor, who was out spying day and night in his little 
fishing-boat, and who informed him that, in a " terreur 
panique," Roquefeuil had taken the fleet of Indiamen 
for that of Portsmouth, and gave the Earl many details 
of the captains and the crews. Quite rightly, Saxe did 
not believe the ancient mariner. 

Moreover, he had little confidence in the Jacobites. 
He received information the very opposite of that which 
Sempill wrote. Further, D'Argenson and Maurepas 
wrote to him that they had decided that the expedition 
" should only leave Dunkirk if all the chances were in 
its favour ; if now, at the equinox, nothing but favour- 
able winds blow ; if our fleet is superior, and the English 
squadron not alarming." But while the French Court 
were tending to an abandonment of the expedition, 
Saxe and Bart had begun the embarkation. Though 
no one was any longer enthusiastic, or trusted the 
English Jacobites, the preparations were too far ad- 
vanced for a retreat. 

The Earl Marischall, on his side, complained to Charles 
Edward that his solicitations at the French Court were 
hampered by his entire ignorance of the Chevalier's 
plans. The party in Paris had not confided in him, 
and, if not lukewarm, he was certainly aggrieved. 
More money than Charles Edward had calculated for 
must be wrung from France. 

Meanwhile the equinoctial gales were anything but 
favourable. The weather not only prevented the oppos- 
ing fleets from engaging, but separated them. Admiral 
Roquefeuil died in Dungeness Bay of an apoplectic fit, 


and his squadron returned to Brest. Admiral Norris 
withdrew to the Downs. 

But on March 4th the weather improved ; the wind 
blew from the south-west and west-south-west, and the 
troops began to embark in the transports lying in the 
Dunkirk Roads. The Earl Marischall, as eager to sail 
as his Prince, went out with him to one of the trans- 
ports. Charles wrote to his anxious father in great 
spirits : " I hope to date my letter from a place which 
will show of itself that all is accomplished." 

But the weather changed again, and the two returned 
to shore. In the night of March 6th to 7th, an awful 
equinoctial gale got up. All the transports were out 
in the Roads and the greater part of the troops and the 
equipment was on board them. 

Saxe describes how, at dawn, after that terrible night, 
he mounted his horse and went down to the beach to 
see what had occurred. It was a fearful sight. Some 
of the vessels had foundered at their moorings, and the 
shore was strewn with the wrecks of eight others which 
had been driven on to the beach. Saxe pluckily rode 
into the ebbing tide to the helpless soldiers who had 
thrown themselves into the sea. It was impossible, 
such was the swell setting on shore, to send any boats 
to their assistance, and rescues were only carried out 
with the greatest difficulty. There was an immense 
loss of men, arms, tents, and baggage. 

As for those troops which were still safely afloat, sick- 
ness broke out among them ; they had been confined 
on board ship for several days, and the bread had got 
wet, and become mouldy. 

The ministers at Paris had decided practically to put 
off the enterprise the very day before the storm. In 
reply to his orders, Saxe noted that, firstly, he saw he 
was not to appear to give up the expedition ; secondly, 


that he was not to let any of the transports sail unless 
he received fresh orders, and was sure of the English 
Jacobites, and especially certain that Norris had re- 
treated to the Downs ; thirdly, he was to convince 
Charles Edward and his advisers of the impossibility of 
carrying out the scheme. No one, he added, had risen 
in England. 

The third item of his instructions was the most diffi- 
cult of accomplishment. 

"All the people who wish for it" (the invasion), he writes 
plaintively, " do not consider the feasibility of it, and their sanguine- 
ness knows no bounds ; I see no one here but Milord Marischall 
with whom I can talk. I dare not go and see the Prince, as no one 
is supposed to know where he is." 

On the 9th the vessels were back in harbour, but 
Barailh reported that his squadron was so damaged 
that he could no longer undertake the escort. Saxe 
reported to Charles Edward, who made a final attempt 
to goad him into action. 

But the ministers confirmed and strengthened their 
previous instructions to abandon the enterprise. Their 
decision was not due to the storm, but to the news from 
England that there was no rising there, and to a court 
revulsion of opinion against the project. England was 
alive to the danger. The Habeas Corpus Act had been 
suspended in London, arrests had been made, and Parlia- 
ment had asked for an increase to the forces. But 
behind all this lay Louis's decision to declare war on 
England, and he required his troops and Marshal Saxe 
on the Netherlands frontier. 

On the day that the fresh instructions reached Saxe 
there arose another storm. It came on so suddenly 
that there was no time to get the ships into harbour, 
and several of the vessels of the escort were blown 


ashore. On the llth another transport was wrecked ; 
the troops began to disembark, and only just in time, 
for a two-days' storm blew up. 

Saxe sent the Earl Marischall to Gravelines, where 
the Prince lay perdu, charged with the unenviable task 
of persuading Charles to bow to the inevitable. 

When the poor Prince met the Earl he kissed him 
warmly : " I only want you/' he cried, " I wish to go 
and conquer or die with my faithful Scots ! '' 

' That is the courage we expect from our King/' 
replied Marischall, " and which we are not surprised to 
find in you ; but you must not employ it uselessly for 
your cause, with the only result of sacrificing your 
friends and your enemies." 

The Prince persisted. 

" He bien I let us start ! ' replied the Earl at last. 
" But the moment we land I shall think myself bound 
to confess to your subjects, when I confide your Per- 
son to them, that you and I are only a couple of brave 
adventurers, who have come alone without assistance, 
and they will be careful, if they believe me, not to make 
the least movement in your favour ; it would be to 
lose you and ruin them ; they only owe you their blood 
and lives when they can at least hope some success for 

In despair of persuading the Marischall to accom- 
pany him, Charles impetuously declared that he would 
take a fishing-boat and cross to England alone ! 

The Earl replied that " he admired the Prince's noble 
and generous feeling," while probably thinking him 
" a hot-headed young fool." But he reminded him 
how the English Jacobites had sent a message by 
Lord Barrymore to the effect that they would insist that 
a force of 12,000 French accompanied him. " To go 
alone," added the Earl, "unless you are invited by the 


powerful nobles both with influence and good sense, 
would be the destruction of the Cause for ever ! ' J 

It was very difficult for the Earl " to act reasonably/' 
He now encouraged, now discouraged the French. 

Charles wrote to him on March llth : 

" I cannot but own to you my vexation that they should have 
let Norris slip from Portsmouth without the least resistance or 
their being in the way to make any : by their loosing so much 
time in doing nothing it would now appear that we have no chance 
for success but by the Brest squadrons attacking Norris where 
he is, and defeating him, the effect of which would produce all 
the consequences to be desired, and I have reason to think, from 
all the advices I have as yet had, that could be depended on, that 
Roquefeuille would beat him, because whatever number of ships, 
fregates, or merchant ships they may shew together, they had but 
seventeen ships of war on or about their coasts, when the Brest 
squadron sailed. I mean at Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the river 
Thames ; and nothing was so easy for the Brest squadron, as 
keeping them in an absolute impossibility of joining, as there were 
then five of them at Plymouth, seven at Portsmouth, and the rest 
in the river or about it. That is now over, and I apprehend so will 
the expedition be at this time, if the general officers of the Brest 
squadron are discouraged from fighting Norris. And from long 
experience we have reason to fear, that we would not find it easy 
to bring the French Court to the same point things are yet in, if 
this should be given up, for which reason I desire you to make 
use of all your influence to push them on, as well as of my Name, 
as far as it can serve for that end. ..." 

The Earl Marischall replied urging him definitely to 
abandon the enterprise. 

"DUNKIRK, March 13^, 1744. 

" I shall be glad that M r de Roquefoeilly judge proper to attack 
Norris ; but what influence is it possible I can have to engage 
him to it ? The Comte de Saxe, as well as others, knows that I 
am so little in the secret or concert, that I have not had so much 
as the least answer from the Minister to my demand. I am no 
seaman, I do not know the force of Norris. . . . Besides, such an 


attempt must be by express order (I believe) from Cecil. I am 
sorry to think that the retardement has made, I feer, such a change 
as alters entirely the affair, and that nut ill there are new accounts 
from the party in England everything will at least be laid aside 
for a time, that the Habeas Corpus Act is suspended, that the 
principall people of the party are taken up, that many zealous 
people especially in Scotland have retired into hiding to keep 
themselves free to join upon a landing in England and Scotland. 
... Is G. P. H. well assured that the French, having attacked the 
English fleet in the Mediterranean, may not change and exasperate 
the minds of the English, especially of the seamen ? To attack 
Norris, who lyes in the way and obstructs a designe for the good 
of the nation, is absolutely necessary, but I doubt if to destroy a fleet 
only opposing a nation in fair open war with England, and that 
by the French, not only in peace with England, but pretending to 
wish its true interest, I say I doubt if that will be easily digested 
by the stomach of the commonalty of England. In my opinion 
the affair for the King's cause has failed entirely for the present : 
for the interest of France a show will still be of use, against which 
I hope your Highness will be on your guard." 

Charles Edward, weary of restraint, was determined 
to take a line of action somehow, somewhere. He 
wished to join the French army in Flanders. But the 
Earl Marischall was of opinion that to fight with the 
enemies of England against British troops would create 
an unfavourable impression. Charles appeared to agree 
with his cautious old friend ; but a coldness ensued. 
Without any more consultation with his " faithful and 
wise subject/' in low spirits, he retired back again into 
solitude at Gravelines, incognito as " Douglas/' with 
only Balhaldie as his secretary. 

Three days later Marshal Saxe informed the Prince 
that he was returning to Versailles, which definitely 
clinched the abandonment of the expedition. 

' Vous ne pouvez, Monseigneur/' he wrote, " accuser 
que les vents et la fortune des contretemps qui nous 


From the Minister (TArgenson Saxe received orders 
to bring back Charles from the coast, incognito, to Vic- 
sur-Aisne, where the Abbe Pomponnais's villa had been 
hired for him near Soissons, and it was suggested that 
the Earl Marischall should go with him and mount 

" It seems very proper and even necessary that the Prince should 
have some one with him, some person of merit and consideration, 
and His Majesty does not know who could fill in every way all 
that could be desired in this respect, than Milord Marechal. I do 
not think he will make any difficulties as soon as you have made 
the proposal to him. He wrote to me a few days ago to tell me 
his views as regards Scotland ; but His Majesty, when I informed 
him of them, did not find them sufficiently digested to take a 
definite decision. It is necessary to be better informed as to the 
different reports which they have about it, as to place, time of 
landing, number of troops necessary, and the help which will be 
found there. It is on this that you can enter into discussion with 
him, to make him explain himself on all these points ; for it seems 
to me that Milord M. has as yet only general ideas which are in- 
sufficient, and which might even be upset by the steps which England, 
to-day on its guard, might take. If Milord M. came to Vic Sur Aisne 
I might send some one to confer with him." 

In May Charles Edward wrote to his father, girding 
at the wise and cautious counsellor, and inquiring as to 
joining the army of Flanders. The King of France, 
who spelt worse than Charles Edward, had said that : 
' Vreman setoit tou jours mon intention de Favoir apre 
de moi," and the Prince was determined to accompany 
Louis ; and wrote that he 

" Will certainly see a campaign if Mr. Isham [Lord Marischall] 
dose not hinder it, for he dose all that lise in his power to hinder it 
and the commission yr Mty has given him makes what he sese 
of some impression ; he tells them that any serving in the army in 
Flanders, it would disgust entirely the English, by serving in the 



same army that is to fite against him, and so forth. He has done 
all this without telling me anything of the matter. When I was 
at the seaside after the storm I rit to him to do all that was possible 
for to encourage the People that the Expedition should not be 
stopped, but he did quite the contrary, by seing things that dis- 
couraged them to the last degree : I was pleaged with his letters, 
which were reather Books, and had the patience to answer them 
article by article, striving to make him act reasonably ; but all no 
purpose. Your Majesty may judge how busi I was, when the 
answering of his letters alone kept me half the day, besides the 
Comte de Saxe and others with whom I had continual commerce, 
and was forced to make these letters longer to encourage them in 
what Lord Marechal had discouraged." 

This expedition, if sent in January, as originally was 
the intention, might have succeeded. But the Jaco- 
bites raised difficulties, and postponed it till the equinox. 
Tencin, who owed his Cardinal's hat to James, was not 
in the secret when it was first mooted, though he subse- 
quently began negotiations between James and Louis. 
Marechal Noailles was against it ; so probably the ini- 
tiative came from Maurepas and Amelot, whose dis- 
grace quickly followed its abandonment. Noailles 
pointed out that the effect produced in England was 
enough, and that it was unwise to scatter forces when 
about to strike a decisive blow. 

Lord Sempil spent the remainder of the year begging 
the ministers to begin the invasion again ; he was 
supported by the Duchesse de Chateauroux and 
Tencin. But, as war was now declared, and France was 
fighting in Flanders, Germany, and Italy, the Ministers 
objected to sending such a large body of troops to 
England. Saxe required them in Flanders, where the 
King joined him. 

Charles went himself to Paris to beg. Exasperated 
by a refusal, he determined to venture alone. But 
except the Duke of Perth, his principal partisans disap- 


proved, and declined to rise without French help and 
the support of the English Jacobites. 

Meanwhile all that summer Murray of Broughton sat 
in Perthshire on tiptoe of expectation and indecision. 
In September he was still hopeful, having got men to- 
gether and asking if he was " not to stir till my Lord 
MarischaFs landing so as not to put ourselves in the 
Power of any Government." Then he went to Edin- 
burgh and heard from Lord Elcho that all hopes of a 
landing was gone, and 

" That apparatus for an invasion was for shew only, and that 
the Earl Marischal, in place of having 3,000 troops allotted for 
Scotland, with arms, ammunition, and money, could not after 
sending frequent couriers to Paris, procure any orders, nor was he so 
much as provided with money for his necessary expenses as General ; 
and the Prince, instead of being publickly at Dunkirk with the 
troops, was kept private at Gravelines, where no person had access 
to him but Balhaldie and such as he chose." 

Murray had told the Prince himself that 

" If the Earl Marischall landed with 3,000 men, as was proposed, 
and a descent was made in England at the same time, there was 
not the least reason to doubt of its being reduced to the King's 
obedience in a few weeks, and even supposing no descent was made 
in England, I did not imagine that on his Lordship's landing any 
of the Loyal Clans would hesitate to appear." 

Murray wrote in his Memoirs in subsequent years, 
that he thought then, arid " thinks now, that had the 
Lord Marischal landed insurrection would have been 
almost general in Scotland, and the army would have 
reached the Capital by the time, if not before, the troops 
landed from Flanders. 

The Earl Marischall, out of heart, left Boulogne and 
went back to his favourite Avignon and kind old friend, 
Ormonde. Thence he wrote to the Chevalier : 


" I can't enough admire that your majesty was not sufficiently 
informed of the affairs last winter : it confirms me in the opinion 
for which I have had good grounds, that Lord Sempil and Balhady 
imposed on all sides : on your majesty, as it would appear, by 
what you now write ; or your friends in England, by giving them 
assurances not at all well grounded ; or the court of France, by not 
telling them justly the demands of friends in England. Mr. Amelot 
said to me that he told Lord Sempil, you say one thing and friends 
in England another whom am I to believe ? I wish, Sir, it be 
not found that the Prince has been more deceived than any one. 
As to the Duke of Ormund, it was very plain he was not only excluded 
from the service, but was to be from any share in the execution ; 
the time he was advertised shews this : he has your majesty's 
confidence and commission ; he has great credit in England, as 
every one knows. Either Lord Sempil must have abused your 
majesty's name to have him excluded, or the court of France must 
have had such designs as they knew the Duke of Ormund would not 
be assisting to : as to myself I shall say little, only that there was 
not only no design to employ me, but there was none to any assist- 
ance in Scotland. If Lord Sempil believed what he said, his corre- 
spondence or intelligence was very bad ; if he did not, the matter 
is still worse : he told the Duke of Ormund, before he left the neigh- 
bourhood of Paris, that he would have a message to recall him 
before he got to Lyons, and that he was to command eleven thousand 
men ready to command at Brest. Your Majesty is wise and just. 
Can you desire that either the Duke of P. or I undertake anything 
on the word of Lord Sempil or Balhady, who not only have the 
boldness to impose (as far as they can) on all the world, but also 
to conceal from your majesty so great affairs ; I believe your 
majesty will find that this odd incognito of the Prince came in a 
great measure from their desire of imposing on him, and therefore 
keeping him from seeing such as from honour and duty would tell 
him the truth." 

James agreed with the Earl, and detected Sempill 
and Balhaldie as deceiving himself. In return Balhal- 
die denounced Sir Thomas Sheridan, the Prince's former 
tutor, and now confidential secretary, as " pernicious 
and useless." 

The poor, worried Chevalier, anxious about his son, 


lying perdu, wrote in December to Lord John Drum- 
mond : 

" In the meantime, for God's sake let us stifle as much as possible 
all little views and animosities. Let us have nothing in view but 
the common good, and let us join heart and hand to promote it in 
our different capacities. This will be the most effectual way to 
encourage foreign powers to assist us, and to animate our friends 
at home to act their part also." 

He was anxious for MarischaH's presence and advice, 
and wrote to him that the King of France should be 
treated with the greatest power and circumspection. 

Charles Edward stayed incognito at Navarre, the 
Duke of Bouillon's estate, and solicitations to the Court 
of France went on, but without success. The Protes- 
tant German Powers who were in alliance with France 
insisted that the war should be restricted to Flanders, 
and that the Roman Catholics of England should not 
be assisted. 

Charles was treated coldly ; he was not even received 
by the King. He was patient, but determined, even 
among the intrigues of his followers. Of his rather for- 
lorn situation he wrote pluckily : " I do not regret in 
the least, as long as I think it of service to our 
cause. I will put myself in a tub, like Diogenes, if 

In March he writes to his father that he " would pawn 
all his jewels, for on this side of the water I should 
wear them with a very sore heart, thinking there might 
be a better use for them." 

The victory of Fontenoy in May quite decided Louis 
against assisting the Jacobites, and it was now no 
longer necessary to divert the English army. So 
Charles was now thrown back upon a personal venture. 

For months he had been privately preparing, and 


had procured nearly 4,000, arms, ammunition, and a 
frigate. James was quite in the dark. 

On June 12th, 1745, Charles Edward embarked for 
Scotland at Nantes with Tullibardine and the rest of 
the faithful Seven Men of Moidart Sheridan, Sir John 
Macdonald, Kelly, O'Sullivan, .Eneas Macdonald, the 
banker in Paris, younger brother of Macdonald of 
Kinloch Moidart. 


JUNE 1745 TO 1748 

ON the eve of sailing for Scotland Charles Edward 
wrote to his father : "I have wrote a note and sent it 
to Milord Marechal, telling him to come immediately 
and giving him a credential to treat with the Ministers 
for succours/' 

A rumour ran through Scotland that the Earl Mari- 
schall had followed his Prince. James Drummond 
wrote to the Lord Advocate that he 

" Was credibly informed that the enemy on Saturday last was 
within two miles of Fort Augustus. . . . Last week there landed a 
ship from France near the place where the other ships landed, and 
the Earl Marischal and young Glengarry and several other officers 
on board, and a small number of troops. Lord John Drummond's 
supposed to be there likewise. . . . The information comes from a 
gentleman who gave it me, is a Jacobite, as a great secret, and who 
I believe is a man of honour." 

The wish was probably father to the thought. 

Charles also wrote a civil letter to Ormonde inviting 
his solicitations at the French Court, but leaving it to 
the aged Duke's discretion as to whether or not he 
should go to Paris. But Ormonde was sinking into 
his grave. At his young Prince's behest the fire of the 
old Jacobite statesman revived, and he started from 
Avignon. But he was not to witness the failure of yet 
another expedition to Scotland. He died on the way 



to Fontainebleau, and found sepulchre, after some 
thirty years of exile, in Westminster Abbey. 

Charles also wrote to d'Argenson : "I hope you will 
receive the Earl as a person of first quality, in whom I 
have full confidence/' 

The Earl of Clancarty, an Irish peer, had come over 
to France and joined the Jacobite coterie at Paris. 
Sempill describes him as " a very brave and worthy 
man/' but Macallister the spy, with whom he later 
shared lodgings at Dunkirk and Boulogne, writes of 
him as " a slovenly, drunken, blaspheming rogue, one 
of whose eyes General Braddock had knocked out with 
a bottle in a tavern brawl/' Clancarty, who asked for 
10,000 men to support Charles in England, and arms 
and pay for 30,000 men, announced that he represented 
the English Jacobites ; but d'Argenson, " pestered by 
women, priests, and ragged Irish adventurers," said 
Clancarty " could produce no good name but his own/' 

Immediately on receipt of Charles's letter, the Earl 
Marischall came to Paris. 

The Stuarts' cause made strange bedfellows. It was 
considered desirable that he and Clancarty, as impor- 
tant Scotch and Irish nobles, should pursue d'Argenson 
and his master to Flanders where Louis, at the head 
of his army, was taking the enemies' cities one after an- 
other in a sort of triumphal progress to solicit immedi- 
ate assistance for Charles in a force to invade England. 

The Earl Marischall and his uncongenial companion 
arrived at Louis's camp before Ypres. 

" M. d'Argenson, the then Minister, received the two Earls with 
that politeness due to their rank ; entering on the subject of their 
commission, d'Argenson (speaking to the Lord Marshal) affected to 
be surprised that his Lordship did not go to Scotland with the 
adventurer ; to which the other replied, he thought he was not 
sufficiently supplied or prepared for such an expedition ; but that, 


as he had begun, he might continue to make a good diversion, until 
a proper and reasonable supply of men could be sent to him. 

" D'Argenson then asked him what number of men he thought 
might be sufficient to do the work, with those already in arms ? 
still expressing his surprise that he did not embark with his prince, 
as he called him, and conduct him to Scotland, as it was his Lord- 
ship's native country, and he so well acquainted therewith, and 
beloved by, the people, that he might have drawn many men together 
who would have readily followed him. Then Lord Marshal answered 
that if he would give him but seven thousand men he would im- 
mediately embark with them, and undertake, upon peril of his life, 
with the troops already in arms, and those that would rise on his 
appearing at the head of the army there, to complete the work, 
and place the Pretender on the throne, as there was not sufficient 
force then in England to oppose them ; but that it was necessary 
that this supply should be sent with all despatch, before the English 
troops could be called home from Germany. 

" The French Minister coolly replied that he was very sorry, as 
he feared such a number could not then be spared, but said he would 
think of it, and see what could be done ; assuring them, nevertheless, 
that the cause should be sustained, and help should not be wanting. 
Lord Clancarty going on importuning the Minister, and seconding 
Lord Marshal's demands, d'Argenson says to him: ' Quant' a votre 
prince, Monseigneur, il est aller au Ecosse en Blanche ; j'en suis 
fache. Vous n'etes pas bein coeffe, Monseigneur ; voulez vous que 
je vous envoye mon peruquer, il sait bein coeffer ! ' 

" Lord Clancarty is a man generally careless in his dress ; though, 
on occasion, no man dresses better, appears with more lustre, or 
has a better taste in cloaths ; but happened at this time to be in 
deshabille, with an ordinary black tie-wig, such as he commonly 
wears on journies, and which added no ornament to the rest of his 
dress ; which gave the Minister the opportunity of changing the 
discourse, and making him the sneering compliment (all this being 
Lord Clancarty's own account). It provoked him so much, who 
is naturally warm and rough, though a man of good sense, with a 
bad application of it, that he started up from his chair, desiring 
Lord Marshal to come away, and saying to him in English, which 
he knew the Minister did not understand, ' Damn the fellow ! he is 
making his diversion of us ' ; and never afterwards could he be per- 
suaded upon to go near him. The consequence that followed this 
interview I must reserve for my next. It was said, indeed, that 


if the peer had met the Minister on any other than French ground, 
he would have given him more occasion for a surgeon to dress his 
head than his Lordship had for a barber to accommodate his wig." 

The embassage met with no success. The French 
policy was to send driblets of men and money to 
agitate in Scotland, and the Earl Marischall wanted 
strong measures. ''' But/' writes Sempill, " he can trust 
no body and is convinced that the French Court will 
sacrifice our country, if his firmness does not prevent it." 

The Earl was right. His prophecy to his Prince was 
likely to be fulfilled. Sempill was right, too, when he 
writes that " as the Prince is already resolved, a little 
help is better than none/' But he is harsh and un- 
grateful when he adds about the Earl's failure at Ypres 
that he "is sorry to see our old friend so unfit for grate 

The Earl Marischall compiled a memorial for the 
French Court. 

" Memoir e by the Earl Marischall 

" Aoust 20, 1745. 

" Le Roy deja determine a soutenir les efforts du Prince de Galles 
en Ecosse, etoit prest a fournir les Secours que les Ecossais 
demandoient et qui leur etoient absolument necessaire : II n'etoit 
plus question que du trouuer les moyens pour faciliter 1'execution 
de cette genereuse resolution. 

" L'heureux arrivee du Comte de Clancarty Seigneur d'une nais- 
sance tres distingue et dans la confiance du parti par son merite, 
leve touttes les difficultes qui se presentoient, puisce que ce qu'il 
propose et ses demandes n'en souffre aucunes. II vient de la part 
des chefs du parti ; II parle au mon du Due de Beaufort, du Comte 
de Lichfield, du Comte d'Orery, de my Lord Barymore, du Chevalier 
Watkins Williams et du Chevalier Cotton. II offrent pour eux et 
pour le parti, de lever 1'Etendard du Roy Jacques dans le diverses 
provinces du Royaume au moment que le secours franois debar- 
quera. Le Chevalier Cotton recevera le secours au lieu propose 


pour le debarquement qui est environ onze lieux de Londres pres 
de Maiden. 

" Le Secours demande est deux vaisseaux de cinquante pieces de 
cannons et quatre f legates de trente a quarante pieces pour PEscorte. 
Dix mil hommes d'infanterie et de quoy armer trente mil: Vint 
pieces de campagne : munition de guerre en proportion : la solde 
de dix mil homes pour deux mois : des salles et tout 1'equipage pour 
un regiment de Cavallerie. My Lord Comte de Clancarty qui est 
marin expliquere les moyens de passer : II a deja sonde la cote ; il 
bse se flatter qu'on ne sauroit supposer qu'il vient aux pieds d'un 
si grand Roy pour avancer des choses dont il ne seroit pas assure. 
Le parti qui 1'envoye ignore que le Prince de Galles etoit passe en 
Ecosse, circonstance qui mete dans le necessite d'executer cette 
affaire avec toute le dilligence possible, comme aussi elle rend le 
succes plus certain. 

" Le parti a recommende a My Lord de ne s'ouvrir qu'a Sa 
Majeste, au Minister qu'elle daigneroit lui indiquer, au Due d'Or- 
monde, et au Marechal d'Ecosse." 

At first, Charles Edward's success in Scotland was as 
wonderful as it was unexpected. The hopes of the 
Jacobites rose mountains high. The young Duke of 
York hurried to Dunkirk, eager to join in the fray. 
The English Jacobites wrote begging that the Earl 
Marischall would bring him across with a force to Eng- 
land ; the Chevalier sent the Earl a commission as 
General ; the King of Spain sent him a patent, in order 
to secure his safety. 

But the far-seeing Earl Marischall, with his experience 
of two expeditions, was far from sanguine ; he was un- 
deceived as to what would be the final result. James, 
only informed in August that his " dearest Carluccio " 
had actually sailed, was anxious, writing " that there is 
little room to hope the Prince will succeed except he is 
vigorously supported by the Court of France/' He 
expected that the Earl would go and join Charles, but 
the former gave him very little hope of the venture. 

When, a year later, the Paris banker, ^Eneas Me- 


Donald, who had sailed with Charles, turned traitor, he 
quoted in his own justification for attempting to quell 
the rebellion, that " the doctrine of the most sensible 
people even of that party (such as Lord Marischall) 
looked upon any such attempt (though concerted with 
some forethought) as unlawfull without the Consent 
of the Nation, and I do much deteste such mad flights." 

The Prince himself regretted the absence of his 
faithful old friend, writing from Holyrood in September : 
" I find it a great loss that the brave Lord Marischall 
is not with me. His character is very high in this 
country, and it must be so where ever he is known. I 
had rather see him than 10,000 French ! 9i 

But the " old friend/' as we have seen, had done his 
utmost to serve his Prince in France, aid from whence, 
if obtainable, was far more valuable than his presence 
in the Highlands. It was natural that he was not 
hopeful, for as Macallister the spy puts it 

" Despondency and resentment seldom fail to follow close to the 
heels when we find that promise of services and profusion of friend- 
ship are only made and calculated to deceive us. It is not, therefore, 
much to be wondered at if the two lords " (Clancarty and the Earl 
Marischall) " both retained a little of both on the reception they 
met with from the French Minister, and the little attention he 
shewed for the success of Scotch affairs, in the conference they had 
had with him ; for the support of which their solicitations were 
entirely directed. 

" Lord Marischal and Lord Clancarty had both long been perse- 
cuted by the malevolence of their adverse stars. Fortune seemed 
to have turned their back upon them. Accustomed to her frowns, 
they courted not her smiles ; nor were they ignorant of the little 
faith that should be given to promises of men whose principal study, 
whose greatest merit, whose daily practice and highest ambition is 
to cajole and deceive. 

" Contrary, then, to what one might expect to result from such 
clouds and apprehensions as fill the mind on believing their cause, 
their all, to be abandoned or lost, their ardour cooled not; no 


From the collection of A. M. Broadley. 

J. 220] 


dejection was perceived; nor was their resentment less for being 
smothered. They heartily wished, it is true, all the ill possible to 
D'Argenson ; and there was not at that time one of the party in 
France that would not have triumphed at his death or downfall. 
But they did not think it for the interests of the cause to shew any 
signs of their discontent. Neither did they publish what had passed 
at their conference with D'Argenson, lest it might dispirit their 
friends, and otherwise hurt the interest of the cause. For these 
reasons, it was only made known to a few. 

" They, therefore, continued their solicitations at Court, with 
more warmth than before, seconded by the adventurer's brother." 

The latter, hoping to sail with a large French force, 
hung about Boulogne all that winter "behaving like 
a petit-maitre ; taking upon himself to command and 
give directions in what he was ignorant of." 

The French did, indeed, make a demonstration. As 
Charles penetrated south and crossed the border suc- 
cessfully, ships and men were collected at Boulogne. 
Voltaire indited a proclamation to be issued by Charles. 
The Swedes showed signs of coalescing, but by Christ- 
mas nothing had actually been done except the sending 
of a million francs to Scotland. 

The Earl Marischall told Sir James Stuart that he 
did not believe that the French Court 

" Had any real or sincere intentions of succouring the Prince. . . . 
He had been long hanging about, expecting to command an expe- 
dition into England, and if it had not been that the Duke of York 
had retained his services, he would have gone over to Scotland ere 
this with or without troops. No, he did not place much faith in 
the preparations that were talked about ; they might alarm England, 
but no practical result would ensue from them. It was easy to see 
that the ships were never meant to sail. Now it was that the trans- 
ports were ready to quit Dunkirk with troops and ammunition, but 
that there were no men-of-war to guard them from the English fleet 
cruising within sight, and so that scheme was abandoned ; then 
Calais, or Boulogne, or Ostend was fixed upon for the embarkation, 
but some excuse always arose at the very last moment to delay or 


prevent departure. No sooner was an order made than it was coun- 
termanded. For instance, on the 15th of last January he received 
instructions that he was to cross the Channel and capture, if he 
could, the port of Rye. The 3,000 men were instantly embarked at 
Boulogne, and at nine o'clock at night he was preparing to sail, 
though none of them ever expected to set foot on English ground, 
when all at once he received orders from the Duke of Richelieu to 
suspend the embarkation. Ever since that time the shipping had 
been kept in pay, and every appearance of an invasion of England 
maintained, but no one of the least penetration believed in ita 
reality. He told the Duke of Richelieu, who had concerted this 
great affair, that an invasion of England with artillery, etc., from 
Boulogne or Calais was impracticable, unless France had the com- 
mand of the sea, and that an invasion was only to be undertaken 
by a coup de main, as the French call it. But Richelieu only replied 
that he would have everything in its proper way when he invaded 
England. No, France was not sincere ! " 

Gradually the Jacobite party was separating into 
two factions the King's Men and the Prince's Men. 
The Duke of York sided with the Earl Marischall and 
Kelly, the Prince's secretary, against Sempill, Balhaldie, 
and Lismore, the King's men. The former party was 
pressing for French help, the latter was intriguing and 

The Earl Marischall was exasperated by the ungrate- 
ful and tedious role he had to play, by the dissensions 
of his own people, the vacillation of the French. A 
letter from Lord Sempill to the Chevalier in Navarre, 
when Charles was crossing the border, shows the bicker- 
ings that went on. 

" Lord Marischall and Mr. Lally assume the management of the 
expedition upon the lights received from Lord Clancarty, whom they 
hitherto engross. Lord Sempil, who desires nothing but the good 
of the service, does all he can with the French Ministry to forward 
their proposals, by which means he hopes there will be no contra- 
diction, whereas, should he propose a scheme, he is sure they would 
disparage it." 


Then in the spring came Culloden, and all was over. 
The end of the rising brought personal grief to the 
Earl Marischall. The following month his young 
cousin, the Duke of Perth, who had joined Charles and 
entered the " Fair City " whence he took his title, in 
triumph, died at sea, on his return from Scotland, worn 
out with " skulking " in disguise. He was buried in 
" the great ocean," far from his " bonny Drummond 
Castle and his bonny lands." His brother, jolly Lord 
John Drummond, escaped in the same vessel, and suc- 
ceeded to the titular dukedom. But when, in the 
following autumn, at Charles's return, prominent Jaco- 
bites in Paris were arrested and sent to the Bastille, 
the Duke, his wife, and family were among the number. 
He was, however, liberated, entered the French service, 
and died of fever the next year, at Bergen-op-Zoom. 

The Duke of Ormonde had predeceased Perth, and 
the Earl felt both losses. France was no longer safe 
for adherents of the Stuart cause, for the French 
Ministry was not sincere towards Charles Edward. The 
Earl MarischalTs eyes turned towards Eussia and his 
brother, always so beloved, despite their long separa- 

James Keith, who had distinguished himself greatly 
in the war in Finland, and had done well on his diplo- 
matic mission to London, stood as high in the favour of 
the Empress Elizabeth as he had in that of her pre- 
decessor. He was now Commander-in-Chief of all the 
Eussian troops collected on the eastern frontier, with 
designs against Prussia. 

There was no longer anything to be done for Charles 

Edward, and it was probably at this time that the 

Earl Marischall burnt all his papers and correspondence 

relating to the Stuart intrigues. 

He now, in the summer of 1746, journeyed across 


Europe to the shores of the Baltic. He was not dis- 
inclined himself to enter the Russian service. 

At Narva, recently, James Keith had received the 
Empress herself at a grand review of the troops, and 
had been much praised by her. But there was already 
considerable jealousy among the Russian Ministers of 
the numerous foreigners who, during the last two 
reigns, had practically ruled the country. Bestuchef , the 
present favourite, was all for Russia and the Russians. 

When the Earl Marischall appeared on the frontier 
the reprisals of the English Government for the rebel- 
lion of 1745 were in full swing ; any one who had 
borne any part in it was a marked man. Lord Hynd- 
ford, the British Minister at Petersburg, took advantage 
of Bestuchef s ill-will towards James Keith. At his 
instigation, the Empress " would not so much as allow 
the Earl to stay in her country." He might not even 
join his brother at Riga, whither his luggage had been 
despatched. James met him on the frontier and enter- 
tained him at Schulzenkrug. When they parted James 
told his brother that he had quite made up his mind 
to leave the Russian service, but must wait his oppor- 
tunity to do so. 

The Earl Marischall went back by Berlin, but only 
staying there a few days, went on by Leipzig to Italy, 
which he reached at the end of 1746, and settled in 

Even here the lynx eye of the British Government 
was upon him, and their envoy, Sir James Gray, reported 
about him. 

Sir James Gray to the Duke of Newcastle 

" VENICE, January 6, 1746, N.S. 

" A few days ago L d Marshall arrived here from Muscovy. 
He calls himself Baron Keith, has laid aside his Green Ribbon, 


and taken a house in a remote part of the town, where, he says, 
he hopes to be allowed to pass the remainder of his days in quiet, 
being tired of the world, and resolved on his part to give disturbance 
to nobody. This is the language that he holds, and I have good 
reason to believe that he intended these declarations should be told 
again to me. L d Elcho and one Hunter are also arrived here ; he 
affirms that he did not see the Pretender's son while he was in 
France; that he heartily repents of the rash scheme he engaged 
in, and has hopes of obtaining his Majesty's pardon. I cannot yet 
learn whether he proposes to settle here, but am told that he is 
firmly resolved to go on to Eome. I shall carefully watch their 
conduct till such time as I may receive any further orders from 
your Grace." 

Thus, from afar, the Earl Marischall watched poor 
Charles Edward's return to Paris, after his Highland 
wanderings ; his gradual deterioration ; his ungrateful 
treatment of Lord George Murray ; his callousness in 
amusing himself in Paris while his unfortunate followers 
were being tortured and beheaded ; and his lack of 
dutifulness to his father. He thought that the Prince 
was in bad hands in Paris, surrounded by flatterers, and 
was becoming spoilt by the role of hero in distress he 
was assuming. The Earl had done his possible for 
him, and was now saddened by finding himself maligned 
and mistrusted. 

He resigned the Spanish service, and also that of 
James. The new King of Spain was pacifically dis- 
posed, and there was no more to be done for the Stuart 
cause. In a sad farewell to the land he loved he wrote 
that he " had only served other Kings to help him he 
hoped would be his/' 

At Treviso he bought a house to summer in. Life 
was pleasant in the little old Italian town, and the 
climate good. Ermete was growing into a young girl ; 
Ilbraham and Stepan were as devoted as ever. But the 
Earl Marischall was in desperately straitened circum- 


stances, though he was much respected in his new home. 
" A man of sense and honour," he said, " is at home 

As he could not remain in the Spanish service after 
giving up that of James, he lost his Spanish pay, and 
also the allowance given him by the Duke of Hamilton, 
whose son and successor discontinued it. 

The Earl Marischall was precluded from participating 
in the Act of Pardon passed in 1747, not only as being 
attainted and as having his articles forfeited before 
June 1747, but also as being concerned in the intrigues 
which, since July 1742, had paved the way for the 
rebellion of 1745. 

Further, there was no income coming in from Scot- 
land. In 1720 the York Building Company, floated 
for the purpose of buying up the forfeited Scotch 
estates which hung on the Government's hands there 
were so many of them had bought the Earl Mari- 
schairs property for 41,000, sixteen years' purchase. 

Yet he was by no means melancholy at Treviso. His 
letters are full of philosophical jokes ; he saw the 
humorous side of things in a little Republic which took 
itself very seriously. He was amused by the sad story 
of the Capuchin, who, in order to enter the Seraphic 
Order, gave up being Doge, and then died of grief at 
not being elected Abbot of his monastery. 

Meantime, Charles Edward in Paris and the neigh- 
bourhood, was on the down grade. He had quarrelled 
with his brother, when the latter became a Cardinal ; 
he was estranged from his father. Sheridan, his late 
tutor, his secretary and confidant, had died and was 
succeeded by Kelly, an " Irish Cordelier who passes 
for a notorious drunkard, and His Royal Highness' 
character in point of sobriety has been a little blemished 
on this friar's account." 


Balhaldie wrote to Edgar that he could only com- 
pare Kelly to the 

" Infamous Secretary Murray [John Murray of Broughton] who 
was so loud and public a traitor that he was but a disgraceful in- 
strument in the hands of Sir Thomas Sheridan, though Kelly was 
a monster of quite a different turn, combining trick, falsehood, 
deceit, and imposition." 

The counsels of this worthy alienated Charles from 
his friends. His adherents in Paris were in despair. 
The Prince was still intent upon another expedition, 
and the French Government, now at war with England, 
flattered him by vague hopes of assistance it never 
meant to fulfil. 

In August 1747, Charles, at S. Ouen, turned once 
more to the " old friend " and the " honourable fool " 
whom he never ceased to like and to respect. He im- 
plored the Earl Marischall to come and join him. But 
the Earl pleaded that " broken health " (he had indeed 
been very ill at Treviso) prevented him undertaking 
the management of the Prince's affairs. " I did not 
retire from all affairs without a certainty how useless I 
was and must always be. My broken health requires 
quiet for the remainder of my days." 

But there was a better master in store for the Earl 
than the decadent Pretender. 

The friendship which had begun at Venice between 
the " sagacious veteran " and the exiled young Lord 
Elcho continued to flourish. " To earn his [the Earl 
Marischairs] friendship was a sign of solid qualities/' 

It was lucky for the young man, cast off by his father 
for the part he had taken in 1745, that he found the 
Earl at Venice. Sir James Gray tried to induce the 
Republic to expel these Jacobites, but in vain. How- 
ever, he prevented the English visitors consorting with 


them, though they were well received in Venetian 
society. Living was good and cheap, wine from Cyprus 
and the isles of Greece, Maraschino, the finest liqueur 
from the Venetian possessions of Corfu and Zante. 
The Carnival was at its height. The Ridotta masked 
assembly was open nightly, and the gaming-tables in 
full swing. Elcho played and lost six hundred sequins. 
The Earl Marischall induced him to hand over his purse, 
and doled him out supplies for the remainder of the 

He was also a wise and kind mentor in Elcho's pur- 
suit of Mademoiselle Canale, the daughter of a Venetian 
patrician who resided in a palace near the Earl. Dur- 
ing the latter 's absence at Treviso Elcho daringly dis- 
guised a German maid of his host, the Earl, as a noble 
lady, and sent her to pay a call on Mademoiselle Canale. 
The ruse was successful ; the young lady returned the 
call. Another servant, however, informed the Earl, who 
posted back in hot haste, dismissed the German maid, 
but delicately said nothing to Elcho. 

In the pit of the theatre of St. John Chrysostom, 
a monk one evening addressed Lord Elcho. It was 
Lord George Murray, who went on to pay a visit to 
the Chevalier at Rome, and then rejoined the Earl at 

Meanwhile, things were going badly with James 
Keith. The intrigues against him of First Favourite 
Bestuchef, and of the British Envoy, Lord Hyndford, 
were rendering his position in Russia very precarious, if 
not dangerous. He was anxious to resign the Empress's 
service ; but the difficulty was how to send in his re- 
signation, and how to quit the country while still under 
Russian authority. Like so many of his forerunners 
in the Empress's favour, the Field-Marshal " had np 
mind to take the road to Siberia/' Finally, however, 


he found himself superseded in his command by a 
junior. Already wounded by Elizabeth's treatment of 
his brother, Keith now felt himself insulted beyond 
forgiveness. The Earl Marischall was in some anxiety 
as to the steps his brother would take, or the conse- 
quences that might ensue. 

" TBEVISO, November 7, 1747. 

" I received, my dearest brother, yours from Dunamund in due 
time, since when I have been impatiently waiting to hear your 
arrival in Holland, and counting the time necessary to make the 
voyage with a good wind, and the time, allowing for cross winds 
and accidents, that you should have been in Amsterdam, which 
was long since, and I therefore wrote several letters to my corre- 
spondent in Holland for you. The Gazettes mentioned you often ; 
according to them you were to go into the English service, and a 
house taken for you in a street named in London ; into the service 
of Holland ; of France ; and of Venice, to replace Schoulembourg. 
Eight days ago the Amsterdam Gazette said you arrived in Hambourg 
the beginning of October, that you was to stay there a few days 
and continue your journey to Berlin, and the last gasette of Franc- 
fort sais you arrived in Berlin the llth of October, so that I hope 
it is so, and I send this letter at a venture. I accuse Monsieur de 
Mardefelt for my not having a letter from you. I suppose you have 
been in chapter of the order so taken up that you had not a 
moment's time. Next post I hope to have that pleasure, and know 
some more concerning your affairs. Mine are not a bit mended. 
I have never had one word from C. Smith, so that this country, 
tho' cheap, is not enough so for me at present, and I must soon of 
necessity find out another. I have invitations to return to those 
I left ; their unfortunate and obstinate choice of favourites and 
confidants hitherto, particularly of Murray, and the Red Cap at 
Rome, has brought their affairs to such a pitch of discredit that 
they are under necessity to [do] some thing to smooth folks ; but at 
the same time they would make me believe their good will and 
sincerity toward me ; they tell me things that it is impossible for 
any man, however credulous, to believe ; and, at the same time 
they use the most obliging expressions, they contradict them by 
their deeds. In a word, it would seem they were resolved to secure 
a refusal to their demand, and make it only to have an excuse toward 
their few friends at home. I have not health for all the uneasiness 


I should undergo with such folks, and who never had confidence 
and goodwill towards. I have therefore civilly excused myself, and 
my excuse is well taken by the father. From the son I have not 
yet had an answer, and I count if he is persuaded that I am fixed 
in my resolution of retreat I shall have pressing invitation ; but 
by long experience myself, and by what very lately has happened 
to others, particularly to L d G. M., whom the ) r oung gentleman would 
not admit to see him and advised him to leave Paris au plutot, I 
know that, should I go to him, I could not stay two months, and 
perhaps should be forced to let the world know my reasons. Adieu, 
my dearest brother ; as this goes by the former canal, I hope it 
will reach you safe. 

" P.S. All the Gasettiers cannot be mistaken ; he of Ausbourg 
sais you are made Field- Marechal by the King of Prussia, if so, I 
heartily wish you joy of being in the service of a Prince of such 
merit, of being out of Russia, and off the sea. That you got out 
of Russia seems a miracle to me." 

Frederic the Great was on the eve of signing peace 
with Maria Theresa at the conclusion of their Second 
Silesian War. But he was far too sapient to feel con- 
vinced that the proud Empress- Queen would rest con- 
tent with the loss of her provinces. Even ere peace 
was concluded, Frederic was considering the improve- 
ment of his army, and was preparing for the next 
inevitable campaign. During James Keith's recent 
work in the North, he had kept his sharp eye on that 
brilliant soldier, and for some months past had been 
secretly luring him into the Prussian service. On 
hearing that the Field-Marshal was definitely dismissed, 
he wrote inviting him to visit Berlin on his way to 
Holland, where it was surmised that Marechal Saxe 
was seeking to secure him for France. 

A fortnight later Keith was taken into Frederic's ser- 
vice, created next day a Field-Marshal, with a quarter's 
pay of two thousand thalers and journey money in 
advance, and invited to Potsdam, whence he wrote to 
his brother : 


" 1 have now the honour, and, what is still more, the pleasure of 
being with the King at Potsdam, where he ordered me to come two 
days after he declared me field-marshel ; where I have the honour to 
dine and sup with him almost every day. He has more wit than 
I have wit to tell you ; speaks solidly and knowingly on all kind 
of subjects ; and I am much mistaken if, with the experience of 
four campaigns, he is not the best officer of his army. He has 
several persons with whom he lives in almost the familiarity of a 
friend, but no favourite ; and has a natural politeness for everyone 
who is about him. For one who has been four days about his 
person, you will say I pretend to know a great deal about his char- 
acter ; but what I tell you, you may depend upon ; with more 
time I shall know as much of him as he will let me know ; and all 
his ministry knows no more. Adieu, my dearest brother. Every 
week you shall have a letter from me, but not so long as this." 

It was an enticing picture of James's new life. More- 
over, it was followed by a warm-hearted invitation 
from the " dearest brother " to share it. He had a 
Field-Marshal's pay of eight thousand crowns a year 

" With which I can live easier here than with twelve in Russia, 
where our immense establishment ate up all our income, and I find 
I have really more than enough for one ; therefore consider what 
a pleasure it would be for me to share it with my dearest brother. 
I know it would not be in the least disagreeable to the King, and 
even quite the contrary ; but in some posts Count Rothemberg " 
(whom they had known in Paris as Prussian Minister), "who is 
almost as impatient to see you as I am, will write to you more fully 
on the subject." 

The lonely, poverty-stricken exile of Treviso did not 
hesitate. Nor did he long delay, despite the winter 
just setting in in the North. 

" Mon frere s'est eloigne de ses glaces," he said, " pour m'attirer 
vers lui ; il est juste que je m' eloigne aussi de mon soleil pour Taller 

1748 TO JULY 1751 

AWARE of the devoted attachment of the Keith brothers 
each to the other, Frederic, doubtless, in the first in- 
stance, invited the Earl Marischall to Berlin in order to 
knit James yet closer to his standard. But the Earl 
soon grew dear to him for himself. 

" Then Frederic called him," writes d'Alembert, " made him a 
true admirer, a real and worthy friend, rather than one who was 
under any obligation to himself, though Milord never forgot how 
much he owed him. 

" George Keith knew how, in his dignified life as Philosopher, to 
retain, even at Sans Souci, his one dream that of universal freedom, 
his one hatred that of tyranny, and kindled once more in the King, 
as the latter himself testifies, a faith in love and vitue shattered 
by ingratitude and faithlessness. 

" Both Keiths knew how to make themselves as indispensable at 
court by their intellectual training and their well-bred society 
manners, and by their noble greatness, which gives rather than 
seeks to maintain the respect necessary even among friends." 

Frederic soon drew the brothers into closest in- 
timacy. His respect for, and inclination to them were 
increased with time. They, on their side, rivalled each 
other in loyalty and admiration for him, and their noble 
and faithful conduct towards him never wavered. 
Agreeable, travelled, well-informed, cultivated, and 
well-read, they had seen much of life, and were men of 



J. 232] 


strong character, thus in every way congenial com- 
panions to the enlightened monarch. 

How happy the Earl Marischall was in his new 
circumstances his letter to Edgar, the Chevalier's 
secretary, abundantly testifies. 

" BBBUN, March 9th, 1728. 

"I arrived here about three months ago, but have been ill of 
a fever of which I had some fits on the road, and which recurred 
two days after my arrival here : it has now left me, but exceeding 
weak and lean. Please offer my humble duty to the King, to the 
Duke, and also my brother's, and his very humble thanks for the 
honor H. M. did him of his remembrance. I see my brother very 
rarely, only when the King of Prussia comes here from Potsdam, 
where, at my passage, I had the honor of being presented to him 
and dining at his table. He inquired some days after if my estate 
at home was confiscated, and being told it was, immediately offered 
me a pension of 2,000 crowns. I wrote to thank and he did the 
honour of a most obliging answer. This is a very fine town, but I 
believe dearer than Paris, at least for fowl, gibier, and wine, tho' 
there grows some in the neighbourhood ; but as Rhenish and 
Moselle are in mode, they are drunk here commonly, and very 
dear. If the King honours me at any time with his commands, 
the surest address will be under cover of Mr. Sigismond, Street a 
S*, Sophia a Vanci, who is at this town, and a very honest man." 

Frederic bestowed upon the Earl a pension and the 
Order of the Black Eagle, which he wore in preference 
to that of the Garter, though averse, he said, " to the 
ribands of all colours one finds all over Europe to-day 
a trade to which the graciousness of sovereigns, and 
the vanity of subjects, has attracted much custom, but 
of which the abundance has lowered the price." 

He was wont to make jokes about the names of 

Orders, such as the Garter, Golden Fleece, Bath, etc. 

An Ambassador of Denmark at the Court of France re- 

. marked to a Knight of the Saint Esprit : " The Holy 

Ghost of my master is an Elephant/' 


Legge, the British Minister at Berlin, complained of 
the reception by Frederic of the Keiths, that they, 
" declared Jacobites and enemies of the British Govern- 
ment, would always try to give His Majesty unfavour- 
able views of the present situation in England." But 
Frederic replied next day that " the King of England 
would not be dictated to as to whom he should speak 
to or not ; so he will leave me free about it." 

At Berlin the brothers did not live under one roof. 
The Field-Marshal's handsome Finnish mistress, Eva 
Merthens, " qui menait un peu le bon Marechal," was 
always somewhat jealous of his affection for his brother 
and of the latter 's influence over him, and often 
caused friction. So the Earl MarischalFs home with his 
menagerie went on as before. 

In 1749 Marechal Saxe came to Berlin, and the Earl 
was pleased to renew, and James Keith pleased to 
make, the acquaintance of the beau sabreur. 

Now that the Earl Marischall was definitely fixed at 
Berlin, the hopes of the Jacobites were centred in Prussia. 
Charles Edward pestered the Earl. Ignominiously ex- 
pelled from France, he had retired to Avignon, and had 
sent for his mistress, Clementina Walkinshaw, to join 
him there. Deserted by most of his adherents, a home- 
less wanderer, despised and despicable, he turned once 
more to his " old friend." 

He wanted the Earl to join him at Venice, and wrote 
to Madam Drummond of Balhaldie, enclosing a letter 
for him 

" Without loss of time. . . . If! Lord Marischal agrees to my 
desier when you give his packet to your bearer, you must put on 
it, en Dilligence. . . . P.S. to Lord Marischal : ' Whatever party 
you take, be pleased to keep my writing secret and address to me 
at Venice to the Signer Ignazio Testori to M. de Villebouque under 
care to a Banquier of that town, and it will come safe to me/ " 


Another letter followed this, imploring an interview, 
at some place to be fixed. But the Earl Marischal 
was not likely to quit Frederic for Charles Edward. 

All the Chancelleries of Europe were now searching 
for the latter, who had embarked on his eighteen years' 
Bedouin career, and had gone to ground no one knew 
where. At the end of April 1749 he again wrote to 
the Earl, from Strasburg, saying that he had sent 
Goring (Mr. Smith of the Gravelines days) to propose 
a meeting at Venice. He will " answer for the ex- 
penses/' and apologizes for " such a long and fatiguing 

On arrival at Berlin, Goring took counsel with the Earl 
as to the errand on which he had been sent. Now that 
his younger son had taken holy orders, the Chevalier's 
attention had turned to planning a marriage for the 
elder son. Various Princesses were suggested to Charles, 
and Goring's mission was to sound Frederic for the 
hand of his only unmarried sister, the Princess Amelia. 
Goring met with no success ; Sir John Graham was 
sent, but was coolly received. In this undertaking we 
may well believe that the Earl Marischall, unemotional, 
philosophical, and a confirmed bachelor, bore no part. 

The only result of the above correspondence between 
the Prince and the Earl was that Charles broke with 
his secretary, George Kelly, because he had become 
obnoxious to the English Jacobites. We have seen 
what they thought of him. The Earl, who, as Rousseau 
puts it, was hard to turn when once he had taken a 
prejudice against a person, insisted that Charles should 
get rid of Kelly. The latter wrote forcibly to Charles 
about the Earl's conduct to him. 

"AVIGNON, November 15, 1749. 

" When Your Eoyal Highness reads the enclosed letter, I believe 
you will not be surprised at my leaving the family without your 


knowledge, since you may plainly see that I could not, as an honest 
man, remain any longer in it, for to be accused of excluding from 
your business the only person who for some years has generally 
been thought the most capable of serving you, is treating me as 
the greatest enemy imaginable to you and your cause, and conse- 
quently laying me under an absolute necessity of retiring to clear 
myself of such an odious imputation. I am confident, Sir, you will 
not take this step amiss of me, for, if I cannot serve you, I will 
never be instrumental in disserving you. Nobody ever had less 
reason or worse authority than Lord Marischal for such an accusa- 
tion ; for Your Royal Highness knows I always acted the contrary 
part, and never failed representing the advantage and even the 
necessity of having him at the head of your affairs. I am sure, 
Sir, you will do me the justice, and what is more, than I ever did 
any man an ill office in my life. His Lord p may think of me as he 
pleases ; but my opinion is still the same of him, and that nothing 
can tend more to Your Royal Highness' interest than to engage 
him at any rate to undertake the direction of your counsels." 

" My zeal, Sir, shall be inviolable for your service, and if I can 
be of any use without such reproaches, your commands will be 
always extremely acceptable to me. 


The letter referred to above was from Oxburgh to 

" I was extremely surprised this morning at a discourse which 
Mr. Bulkeley had with me, as if you had been a hindrance to the 
Prince's having Lord Marischal near him, and at the head of his 
affairs. I assured him that it was not so, for to my knowledge you 
had done all that was in your power to bring it about, and of all 
the unjust aspersions laid to your charge, this was the most ridicu- 
lous as well as the worst grounded : he told me upon that, that, 
having given room for it, he was very unhappy, and that Lord 
Marischal had been made to believe it. I answered, I could not 
imagine Lord Marischal could give credit to such a story, knowing 
you so well as he did ; upon which he shewed me a letter from Mr. 
Floyd, where he tells him Lord Marischal had wrote to him so. 
The words of the Lord's letter are to this purpose : that he was 
informed by a good hand, that you had imposed his coming near 
the Prince, and that you had told him that he was a Republican, 


a man incapable of cultivating Princes, of a genius that could live 
with nobody, and must have everything done his own way, and 
was never to be satisfied. I cannot imagine who his Ld p had this 
fine story from, but am astonished he should give credit to it. I 
shall satisfy Bulkeley and Floyd of the falsehood as well as I can, 
but no body can justify you so well as the Prince himself, and I 
don't doubt but he will do it, when you are so happy as to see him 
again. You know it was my opinion from the beginning that 
nothing could be of greater advantage to the Prince, than to have 
Lord Marischal near him, and the steps that were taken before and 
after your going to Avignon to bring this about, and if matters 
have not fallen out as you wished and hoped, you must console 
yourself with having done all you could, and despise all the little 
dirty aspersions with which you are so unjustly charged. Have 
you no news of the Prince ? We have none here. I cannot express 
my uneasiness about him. God Almighty direct and preserve him. 
I can tell you nothing new from hence, nor should I have sent this 
by post, were it not for this extraordinary story." 

The Earl Marischall wrote to Floyd, whom he com- 
mends to Hume as " an honest witness," to say that, 
" from a good hand/' he learnt that Kelly opposed his 
coming near the Prince, and had spoken of him as " a 
Republican incapable of cultivating Princes." Yet it 
was under Kelly's influence that Charles had tried to 
secure the Earl's services in 1747 ; probably the latter 
was prejudiced by Carte, perhaps Goring. When, later, 
the Earl disowned Charles, Kelly retired from the 
latter's household. 

So there was no meeting between the Prince and 
the Earl. The latter, now in funds, sent a snuff-box, 
with his portrait, to Denver Bash Ironhead, as he 
called Charles, after the nickname the Turks gave to 
Charles XII. 

The Earl Marischall had arrived at Berlin at the 
right time. He found a young sovereign, by character 
and intellect very sympathetic to him, crowned with 
the laurels of two successful campaigns. Prussia, after 


the Second Silesian War, had risen from a small country 
of no more importance than Serbia of to-day, into 
one of the Powers of Europe ; her enemies dreaded her 
army, and wooed her alliance. 

Frederic, now at the commencement of ten years of 
peace, had leisure to return to the intellectual pleasures 
in which he delighted. " The Muses, not the Goddess 
of War, were in the ascendant at the Berlin Court." 
From many lands Frederic had attracted to him leaders 
in art, letters, and thought. At Potsdam the Earl 
Marischall found the Huguenot preachers, old Beau- 
sobre, Jordan now Frederic's learned reader ; Chazot, 
the beau sabreur from Normandy ; the Earl of Tyr- 
connel, the Irish Jacobite, and French envoy ; Hanbury 
Williams, a wit of Walpole's circle, representing Great 
Britain at Berlin ; Algarotti, Frederic's " Swan of 
Padua/' from the Venice the Earl loved so well ; 
Knobbelsdorf, soldier turned architect, Frederic's Cap- 
tain in his Ciistrin days, who had designed Rheins- 
berg; Manteufel " the Junker von Kummerfrei/' was 
Frederic's nickname for him, the Saxon ex-Minister, an 
admirer of Leibnitz and Wolf, yet a life-long Christian ; 
Suhn the Wolfist, his nickname " Diaphane " ; Reinbach, 
:< who loved truth/' said Frederic ; and the old soldier 
Senning, faithful to Church, faith, and German tone ; 
Bielefeld, solid German baron. Further, d'Argens, the 
new Chamberlain, a jovial Provenal, Professor of 
Philosophy at the Academy, likewise His Majesty's im- 
presario. Darjet, the King's reader ; clever, good- 
natured Abbe Bastiani, who came for a few weeks and 
stayed forty years at Berlin. Stille, late tutor to the 
young princes, who had made his mark at Hohenfried- 
berg, and whose business it was, as Frederic loathed 
smoking, to provide pipes and tobacco for visitors in 
his own room. Von der Goltz, Manteufel's nephew, 


schooled at Versailles, and a great friend of the King ; 
Rothenburg, whom he had lured from the French ser- 
vice ; De la Methrie, the French army surgeon, philo- 
sopher and practical joker ; the savant, Maupertuis, 
President of the Academy, wit, author, raconteur, 
traveller; Federsdorf, valet promoted chamberlain. 
Pesne was painting for Frederic, Gram was composing, 
and " charming Barbarini " was dancing for him, the 
Academy of Arts and Sciences was discoursing for, and 
about, him. Last, but greatest, Voltaire he had at last 
succeeded in enticing to his Court. 

What a revelation to the war-worn exile, weary of 
poverty, sick of plotting, backbiting, of disappoint- 
ment, and of fools, must have been this delightful life, 
this camaraderie ! It suited his taste exactly, and he 
fitted admirably into his new surroundings. 

Voltaire gives us delightful glimpses of the gay and 
glittering life, the theatricals, with the poet as actor- 
manager, the operas, the brilliant conversations, the 
sparkling supper-parties at Potsdam, the blaze of intel- 
lectual, musical, and literary life. " People have rushed 
hither from the ends of Europe. . . . Who would have 
said twenty years ago that Berlin would have been the 
home of art, splendour, and taste ? Only one man is 
necessary to change dull Sparta into a brilliant 

Only French was spoken. " One lives at Potsdam 
as in the chateau of a great French seigneur, who has 
culture and genius, in spite of that terrible big battalion 
of Grenadiers." Frere Voltaire likened Sans Souci to a 
" convent, half military, half literary." Frederic and 
his brilliant group of friends he called the monks, 
Frederic's favourite and charming sister, the Margravine 
of Baireuth, was Sceur Guillemette. There was a little 
parodying of religious dogma and worship interspersed ! 


" The Church declaring holy all that was condemned 
by Rome, and impious all that Rome enjoined/' 

Of the Abbaye of Sans Souci the Earl Marischall re- 
marked : 

" Our Father Abbot is the easiest man in the world to live with. 
Yet, were I in Spain, I should consider my conscience obliged me 
to hand him over to the Inquisition as guilty of sorcery. For, if 
he had not bewitched me, should I stay here, where I do not see 
the sun, when I could live and die in the fine climate of Valentia ? " 

In the summer of 1750 the Margrave and Margravine 
of Baireuth came on a gala visit to Berlin. It was 
the signal for an outburst of gaiety. " Fetes given 
which will easily equal the best of Louis XIV," wrote 
Voltaire. The climax was the grand Carousel, or 
tournament, in the Castle Square at Berlin, for which 
the gilded youth of the Court, headed by the King's 
brothers, had been practising for weeks, and designing 
wonderful historical costumes for themselves and their 
trains. Field-Marshal James Keith was one of the 
four judges of their feats of arms. 

Carnival time was very gay, and society was also 
amused with Voltaire's lawsuit with the Jew Hirsch 
over his diamonds. But Frederic was not entirely 
given over to frivolity. It was " armies in the morning/' 
wrote Voltaire, " and Apollo in the afternoon." He 
himself was busy over his " History of Louis XIV and 
XV," and the Earl Marischall lent him historical books 
in English. 

The ink was hardly dry on the treaty of Aix-la- 
Chapelle when it became clear that England and France 
must soon come to blows again, and that America was 
to be the scene of their struggle. Austria was veering 
towards France, for by Maria Theresa " the loss of 
Silesia cannot be forgotten," and England turned to 


Russia, where the Empress was as unfriendly as ever 
to Prussia. 

Charles Edward, whose hopes now rested on Prussia, 
had been to Berlin and had seen Frederic, but " no one 
of his Court except Marshal Keith." In the summer 
of 1751 he again sent Goring, who was working in 
Germany as Stouf, with a letter to the Earl Marischall. 

11 Instructions for Goring y e 21st June, 1751. You are to go 
forthwith to Berlin, there to deliver my letter to L d Marischal, and 
take his advice in further execution of the full powers I have given 
you, after which you are to return to the Court of Sweden, and 
return with all y e expedition possible, giving me a genuine account 
of everything that has passed in your absence. 

" C. P. R." 

Prince Charles to Lord Marischall, from a draught 
in the Prince's hand 


" You know the value I have for an honest man, and how 
glad I would be that such an one was able, or had an occasion for 
shewing himself effectually now for the relief of his King and 
country. I now charge Colonel Goring, who will deliver you this, 
to shew you the powers I thought fit to give him, and to consult 
with you as to the best method of effectuating his message, as also 
of what might be attempted at the Court of Prussia, or any other 
except that of France, their unworthy proceedings rendering them 
not fit to be trusted. I hope you are persuaded of the true friend- 
ship I have for you, and the pleasure I would feel to prove it. My 
health is perfect, and remain your sincere friend, 

" C. P. R. 

"P.S. My kind compliments to your brother, assuring him of 
the particular regard I have for him." 

Goring was ordered to go on to Sweden and feel his 
way there. He was unsuccessful, but his journey 
nearly led to trouble in the Keith entourage, as may be 


gathered from the following letter from H anbury 
Williams, the British envoy at Berlin, to the State 
Secretary the Duke of Newcastle. 

" Hitherto my labours have been in vain. But I think I have 
at present hit on a method which may bring the whole to light. 
And I will here take the liberty humbly to lay my thoughts and 
proposals before Y. Grace. Feldt Marshal Keith has long had a 
mistress who is a Livonian, and who has always had an incredible 
ascendant over the Feldt Marschal, for it was certainly on her 
account that his brother, the late Earl Marischall (alive, but attainted) 
quitted his house and they now live separately. About a week 
ago (during Feldt Marshal Keith's present illness) the King of 
Prussia ordered that this woman should be immediately sent out 
of his dominions. Upon which she quitted Berlin, and is certainly 
gone to Riga, which is the place of her birth. Now, as I am well 
persuaded that she was in all the Feldt Marshal's secrets, I would 
humbly submit it to Your Grace whether it might not be proper 
for His Majesty to order his Minister at the Court of Petersburgh 
to make instance with the Empress of Russia that this woman 
might be obliged to come to Petersburgh, where if proper measures 
were taken with her, she may give much light into this, and perhaps 
other affairs. The reason why I would have her brought to Peters- 
burgh is that if she is examined at Riga that examination would 
probably be committed to the care of Feldt Marshal Laoci, who 
commands in Chief, and constantly resides there, and I am afraid 
would not take quite so much pains to examine into the bottom 
of an affair of this nature as I could wish. . . ." 

But Madame Eva had betaken herself to Sweden, 
safely out of the way of Williams 's " proper measures " 
as interpreted in the still half-barbarous Russia of the 

The letter throws a lurid side-light on the junketing 
and dilettantism of Berlin that carnival time. 

The Earl Marischall himself, however, was engrossed 
by more serious matters than the futile Charles's futile 
plots. His new master had more weighty matters afoot, 
and the Earl Marischall was no longer to be idle in the 


delightful Sans Souci circle. Frederic had decided to 
send him as his Ambassador to the Court of France, 
which had sent an Irish Jacobite as Ambassador to Berlin. 

" I have experienced," he wrote, " so much the perfidy, ingrati- 
tude, and malice of men, that I think I might be excused from be- 
lieving any more in virtue. Good milord has forced me to believe 
in it : this feeling consoles me, and I am under an obligation to 
him for it." 

The suggestion was broached through James Keith, 
and early in July 1751 Frederic wrote to the Earl 
Marischall that he was glad he had fallen in with the 
notion, but thought that " on account of the displeasure 
the King of England had shown for some time to his 
person, it might be well to keep the nomination secret 
till Versailles had been sounded/' 

A fortnight later he wrote again : 

" I much applaud the sincerity and confidence with which you 
explain matters to me, and the feelings of zeal and attention which 
you shew me have touched me much. 

" Yet the circumstances you allege need in no wise trouble you. 
These are things of the past that you mention, and the lapse of 
time have cast entirely into oblivion, so they should put no obstacle 
against anything you have to do with my affairs. Further, what you 
allude to as to the interests of the Prince Pretender to the English 
throne has nothing at all to do with the mission which will be 
entrusted to you, as you are aware that I have never had any 
negotiations with France, nor will have any which have anything 
to do with the affair of that Prince or the internal or domestic 
affairs of Great Britain." 

Frederic ordered his Minister for Foreign Affairs not 
to announce the nomination till the Earl Marischall 
had actually arrived in Paris ; and the secret was well 

Frederic wrote again a week later : 


" Milord, I find the reasons you allege in your letter of the 
1 3th of this month only too well founded ; wherefore the sum I have 
intended for your outfit cannot suffice you, and I have granted you 
4,050 crowns for which you ask me. . . . Further, it is with special 
satisfaction that I enclose the ribbon of my Order of the Black 
Eagle, to invest you with it, and to shew you by it the esteem 
and the importance with which I regard your person and your 

" Further, I should be very glad if you could arrange to leave 
as soon as possible, to start for France, in order to forestall your 
enemies in England thereby, who might plot something against 
your mission. I should prefer, moreover, that in leaving Berlin 
you should take the Strasburg route." 

The prospective Ambassador's instructions were, in 
the first place, to cultivate good feeling with the Court of 
France and to show that the treaties of peace with Vienna 
in 1742 and 1746 were not in any way aimed against 
France. Then, as to present negotiations, he was to 
work for tranquillity in Sweden and Russia ; to uphold 
Francis of Lorraine as Emperor, and to conclude the 
alliance between Denmark and Prussia which France 
was arranging, as there had been difficulties with 
Denmark. Finally, the Earl Marischall was to beware 
of Austria, Saxony, and England. 

AUGUST 1751 TO MARCH 1753 

THE Earl Marischall left Berlin for Paris on August 
24th, 1751, and, travelling swiftly, reached the French 
capital on September 7th. He carried with him a 
letter from Voltaire to his niece, Madame Denis, and 
a copy of the poet's new drama, Rome Sauvee. 

" Cicero little imagined," wrote Voltaire to the Comte d'Argen- 
tal, " that one day a Scotchman would have borne from Prussia 
to Paris his Catilinaires in French verse. Moreover, it is rather 
a good skit against King George, that two worthy rebels from his 
country are ambassadors in France and Prussia.'* 

To his niece Voltaire introduced Marischall as 

" An Englishman ; people call him Milord Marechal for short, 
because he was formerly grand marshal of Scotland ; he is a rebel 
and a philosopher, attached to the house of Stuart, condemned long 
ago in his own country, and has retired to Berlin after having served 
in Spain. His brother, Marshal Keith, went a few years ago to 
fight the good Musselmen at the head of the Eussians. In short, 
the two brothers are here and Milord Marechal has been appointed 
envoy extraordinary of the King of Prussia in France. You will 
see a rather pretty little Turk he takes with him ; they caught her 
at the siege of Oczakow, and made a present of her to our Scot, 
who does not seem to have much need of her. She is a very good 
Musselman. Her master leaves her every liberty of conscience. 
He has in his retinue a sort of Tartar footman, who has the honour 
of being a heathen ; as for him, he is, I think, anglican, or nearly 
so. All this composes a rather amusing gathering, which proves 



that men can very well live together while thinking differently. 
What do you say to the fate which sends a Scotsman minister from 
Berlin to Paris ? It sounds like a joke. Milord Marechal starts at 
once. You will see his Turk, and you will get my packet. Do not 
be surprised that I am still at Potsdam, when you see a Mahomedan 
woman at Paris, and conclude that Providence is making fun of us." 

England was indignant and deeply offended at the 
appointment of the Earl Marischall to Paris, and 
strained relations ensued between George II and " our 
nephew." Directly the Earl reached Paris the Duke 
of Newcastle wrote to Yorke, the British envoy : 

" One may easily see the views with which the King of Prussia 
has taken this offensive step : first for the sake of doing an im- 
pertinence to our King ; then to deter us from going on with our 
negociations in the Empire for an election of a King of the Romans, 
and to encourage the Jacobite party, that we may apprehend dis- 
turbances from them, if a rupture should ensue in consequence of the 
measures we are taking abroad." 

Yorke was instructed to ask Puysieux, the Minister 
for Foreign Affairs for an explanation, and was rebuffed 
by him. Newcastle proposed a subsidy to the Czarina 
in order to overawe Frederic, with whom it was evi- 
dently not considered wise to remonstrate formally. 

" The excitement in London was brief, but intense. It was 
earnestly discussed whether Mitchell at Berlin should not be handed 
his passports, and diplomatic relations with Prussia be suspended. 
The incident long continued to be the cause of ill-feeling." 

But, if the Pretender was pleased, Charles Edward 
was at first aggrieved. 

" The Lord Marischall's coming to Paris is a piece of French 
politics, with one side to bully the people of England ; on the other 
hand, to hinder our friends from doing the thing by themselves, 
bambooseling them with hopes , . , they mean to sell us as usual. . . ." 


Though the Prussian Ambassador in Paris was unable 
to wear the green ribbon of the Thistle bestowed upon 
him by James, his house soon became the centre of 
Jacobite intrigue, though he posed as an impartial 
friend, and wrote to Eome : 

"PARIS, October llth, 1751. 

" Your Majesty has seen by the Gazettes my nomination as 
minister to the King of Prussia. I could not refuse yielding to the 
desire of the King of Prussia, after the obligation I have to him. 
I gave many good reasons for refusing, and before I accepted I told 
him fairly my attachment to your Majesty and family, that I did 
not see at present any prospect of a reasonable scheme for your 
Majesty's interest, but that if should happen I must quit his service 
for your cause. He writ me a most kind letter, but not a direct 
answer. Some days after he declared his nomination at table with 
the Queen and others, amidst (here follow five lines of cypher not 
interlined) I am, with greatest respect and faithful attachment, 
Your Majesty's most dutiful and obedt subject and servant. Allow 
me to entreat that non but Mr. Edgar see this. 

" M." 

Presently, however, James began to feel that he had 
lost the Earl, and the latter wrote, justifying himself, 
to Edgar, the Pretender's secretary at Eome, enclosing 
a letter for James. 

"PARIS, 8th January, 1752. 

" I send you the inclosed one to the King. I am very sorry to 
think that His Majesty has given ear to misrepresentations of me 
for accepting the employment I am in from his Prussian Majesty, 
who pressed me to accept it in such a manner as I could not refuse 
at last, for I did twice by different letters. I cannot help saying 
that, whoever endeavours to persuade his Majesty to find fault 
with one faithfully attached to him for so many years, for complying 
with the desire of one of the greatest Princes, and greatest men, 
that perhaps any age has produced, informing him at the same 
time that he must know his attachment to the King, I say that such 
a man does his Majesty a prejudice. I have explained my reasons 
for not wearing the green ribbon. I shall add one more that I 
am morally sure, had I worn it, the Court of France would have 


represented against my nomination. I ask you, Mr. Edgar, who 
are an honest, sensible man, is it rendering service to the King to 
shew the King of Prussia that he looks on it as a crime, in any one 
attached to his interest, to serve the King of Prussia ? for blaming 
me at the present is declaring in so plainest terms. Surely he 
deserves to be managed on our part, if it were only for the azile he 
gives to severall of our unfortunate countrymen ; and you will, 
I am positively sure, agree with me that it is impolitick to offend 
him. As to myself, I accepted the employment pressed on me ; for 
I excused myself more than once, and I did then think, and do so 
still, that it was far from disserving the King, to shew the world 
that his Prussian Majesty chose to employ those he knew attached 
to his Majesty. I entreat you will lend a word to set all this in a 
right light. Depend on it you will do no hurt to the King. Speak 
also to his Majesty concerning the pension, which I hope he will 

" SIRE, 

" By Mr. Edgar's letter to me I have cause to believe that 
my accepting the employment of minister to the King of Prussia 
has been represented to your Majesty in a way to hurt me in 
your good opinion, whereas I flattered myself that it would 
appear to your Majesty in the same light as it did to your friends 
in general, who were glad of it as it appeared also to your 
enemies, who had a formal opposition at the Court of France to 
my being received. I thought that the King of Prussia, choosing 
to confide his affairs in one who is attached to your Majesty of 
so many years, could in no way be prejudicial to your interest, 
and I hope your Majesty will think so too. As to my not wearing 
the order you honoured me with, I did not wear it in Venice for 
the reason I then wrote, and of which your Majesty did not dis- 
approve. The same subsisted at my arrival at Berlin, where I 
went merely to see my brother, without any other design or expecta- 
tion, and when the King of Prussia, unasked by any one, gave me 
a pension by which I could live with more decency, and in some 
manner support that necessary to one, who has one of the first 
orders in Europe, it would have been odd to have put it on in the 
face of the Queen-Dowager of Prussia ; neither could I have done 
it without first asking leave of the King of Prussia, and exposing, 
perhaps, your Majesty's dignity to a refusal ; for I do not remember 
that any of those who have had your order have worn it in all 


places where they have been, except those who were actually in 
the service of Spain, and not all of them neither. I am very sorry, 
Sir, your situation is such that any Court can make difficulty to 
acknowledge all that is justly due to your Majesty, and wish that 
it may soon be otherwise, and that you may be restored to your 
Kingdoms before this year be at an end, which, I hope, shall be 
followed by many happy years to your Majesty, having the honour 
to be, with the most faithful attachment and most perfect respect. 
"PARIS, January 8th, 1752." 

James replied : 

" ROME, February 21st, 1752. 

" I received but a few days ago your letter of the 8th January. 
I know not upon what foundation you suppose that I should have 
been disappointed (your being minister to the King of Prussia at 
Paris) ; I have looked over again Edgar's letter to you, which you 
now mention, and cannot find anything in it that should give you 
such a suspicion. What I know is, that I never heard anybody 
that blamed that step in you, and I doubt not but all those who 
wish me well were pleased with it, both on your account and mine ; 
and as for my own particular, I was not only glad of it on yours, 
but I was much pleased that so great and so wise a Prince as the 
King of Prussia should give such marks of his favour and con- 
fidence to one who had so distinguished himself in my cause. By 
all this you may see that you may be entirely at ease on this head. 
I heartily wish you all satisfaction in your present employment. 
I know you too well ever to doubt of the constancy of your attach- 
ment to my cause, and you would wrong me much if you were not 
well persuaded of the particular value and kindness I have, and 
shall ever have, for you." 

Charles Edward made great efforts to win the Mari- 
schall when the latter first reached Paris, and he sent 
Goring to interview him,, with instructions how to 

Instructions H. Goring made use of ye 23rd 
September, 1751 

" To repair without loss of time to Paris there, and in your road 
taking the greatest precaution not to be seen. You are absolutely 


to meet no body but L d Marischall. Tell him that your message 
is to know if he has leave to disclose the secret that was not in his 
power to do last time you saw him. If what he says requires an 
answer, you are charged to be silent, as I cannot give any instructions 
to what I cannot foresee. In that case I am ready to come myself 
and meet him where he pleases. Whatever happens, exact from 
him the strictest secrecy as to all transactions that has passt, or 
may pass between us. C. P. R. Let L d Marishall know I never 
heard anything about him but in ye publique papers." 

But Marischall had promised either to Frederic or 
George to remain ignorant of the Princes' whereabouts, 
lest he should have to divulge it, and he was " unwilling 
to lie." So Goring took elaborate precautions that 
they should meet secretly, and in all probability Mari- 
schall met Charles also. 

Colonel Goring to Lord Marischall ; from a copy 
in the handwriting of Charles Edward 

" As soon as your arrival in Paris was confirmed, I took post 
immediately, and am arrived this instant. If your Lordship thinks 
it proper to leave my message, you will be so good as to direct the 
manner you would have me observe in waiting on you. My in- 
structions are not to let myself be seen by any body whatever 
but your Lordship. If you please to honor me with a line, the 
bearer, who is not known by anyone to be employed by our family, 
and who is trusty, will safely convey it. I am, &c. 


"PAKis, y e 20th September, 1751. 

" For L d Marischall." 

Marischall replied at once : 

" PARIS, y e 20th September, 1751. 

" I just now have yours, and as soon as I can think of a way 
and place of seeing you without any one's knowing it, shall let you 
know. If you yourself can let me know any safe way for us both, 
tell it me. There was a garden belonging to a Mousquetaire famous 
for fruit by Picqueprice, beyond it some way. I could go there as 


out of curiosity to see the garden, and meet you to-morrow towards 
five o'clock ; but if you know a better place, let me know it. Re- 
member I must go with the footmen, and remain in coach as usual, 
so that the garden is the best, because I can say, if it came to be 
known, that it was by chance I met you. 

"Yours, adieu. 
" Wednesday morning" 

Goring's answer: 

"21s* September. 

" The garden your Lordship mentions in yours is subject to 
many inconveniences. I may be known by any whose curiosity 
carrys them to walk there ; your own footmen very probably may 
know me, as I was formerly at all spectacles or public walks. I 
have very positive orders not to be seen, so that, if your Lordship 
approves it, the night would be the surest time. I could wait on 
you, at what hour you think convenient, in disguise as an Abbe, 
or in a livery, or in any other matter you think better. Perhaps 
the Tuilleries, as soon as it is literally dark, would be a good place. 
But I leave all to your Lordship's better judgment, and am, with 
all respect, &c." 

The Earl replied : 

"For G , ye 23rd September, 1751. 

" One of my servants knows you since Vienna, so we cannot 
meet at my lodgings to-morrow. I will go to the Tuilleries when 
it begins to grow dark if it does not rain, for it would seem too od 
that I choose to walk in rain, and my footman would suspect, and 
perhaps spye. I shall walk along the step or terrace before the 
house in the garden. Adieu." 

Charles was most anxious to confer with the Earl. 
Goring wrote that he " had received an express from 
the Prince with orders to tell him [Lord Marischall] 
his place of residence, and making a suggestion of 
meeting at Waters' [the banker's] house/' 

The Earl Marischall replied, October 18th : 

" You may go and look for Lace as a Hamborough Merchant. I 
go, as recommended, to a Lace Shop by Mr. Waters, and shall be 


there as it grows dark ; for a pretence of staying some time in the 
house, you may also say you are recommended by Waters." 

M. Viguier, Marchant de Doreure, 


" I shall be glad to see you when you can find a fit place, but to 
know where your friend is is necessarily unfit. Would Waters' 
house be a good place ? Would Madame Talmonte's ? Mine is not, 
neither can I go privately in a hackney coach ; my own footmen 
dogg me ; here Stepan knows you well since Vienna." 

Early in October Albemarle reported from Paris 
that " Foly, a Jacobite, is much with the late Earl 

On St. Andrew's Day there was a Jacobite gathering 
at St. Germains. Albemarle had a spy present, but 
the Earl Marischall was not there. He had been 
summoned to Versailles, or he would have joined the 
gathering. Charles Edward was expected at St. Ger- 
mains ere the close of the year. 

His hopes were now fixed on Prussia. The scheme 
is divulged in the letters of Pickle the spy whose 
identity with Glengarry the younger has been established 
beyond doubt by Mr. Andrew Lang's clever researches 
to the English Ministers. A letter of Pickle's from 
Bologna of November 4th, 1752, shows that the Earl 
Marischall was involved in the scheme. 

" . . .1 had a long chat with Sir James Haughton, how (sic) ie 
in top spirits, and assures me that very soon a scene will be opened 
that will astonish most of the Envoys. I can for certain assure 
you that the King of Prussia will countenance it, for three months 
ago the Pretender's son was well received there. If the French 
Ministry countenances the Pretender's son it is through the in- 
fluence of the King of Prussia. I have some reason to believe they 
dow (sic), for the Pretender's son is accompanied by one of that 
faction. I suspect its Comte Maillebois, but I cannot be positive 


untill I go to Paris, which I think a most necessary chant [jaunt] 
in this juncture, for if the Earl Marischall has no finger in the 
piy (sic), I lost my host off all." 

About a week later Glengarry is writing to Edgar, 
the Chevalier's secretary at Rome, about the plottings, 
that " some of the foundation stones are placed on a 
very sandy ground, but our thin little friend, the Em- 
bassador, gives it little or no credit ; it may be but a 
puff in hopes to create suspicion, and make one of each 
other mistrustful/' 

Concurrently with the Prussian scheme, Lord Eli- 
bank's hare-brained plot was afoot. It was hatched 
by his brother Alexander Murray, Macdonald of Glen- 
garry, who, as Pickle the spy, afterwards turned traitor, 
and Alan Cameron, brother to Lochiel, and surgeon in 
a French regiment. Further, Sweden was to send over 
14,000 men to Scotland, and Charles was full of hope 
of the Swedes and the English. Cameron was to go 
to Scotland and raise the Highlands ; Murray, with 
the officers of Ogilvy's French regiment of Scots, to 
London, to form a company of a hundred men, who 
were to kidnap the royal family on their way from the 
opera. Charles, who was to lie hidden in London, was 
then to come forth and proclaim himself. 

In the spring of 1753 Pickle reports on this plot. 
He had been to England about the business, then back 
to Boulogne and straight to Paris 

" Where he had been very intimate with the Lord Marischall ; few 
days past but Pickle was at his lodgings, or M - - r - - 1 at Pickle's. 
LdM--r--l was first acquainted with the intended insurrection 
by Goring, who waited on him by his master [Charles] particular 
order ; a person of distinction [Albemarle] spoken very seriously to 
M - - r - - 1 upon this head. Pickle does not know who this was, 
M - - r - - 1 declining to mention names, yet he esteem'd thiss person 
as a man of weight and good judgement ; this person was public at 


Paris, but waited onM--r--lat night. . . .LdM--r--l has 
not seen the P. but twice before Pickle went over. He never saw 
him at Berlin, tho' he believed that he had taken several trips to 
that Court. He saw Goring twice at Berlin. M - - r - - 1 knew 
nothing of a foreign Invation (sic), and did not believe there could 
be any in time of peace. Pickle one day asking him his opinion 
of their affairs, he answer'd that he could say nothing upon that 
head with certainty ; he kept his mind to himself ; that when they 
ask'd his Opinion, he told them he could not judge as well as they 
did, since he was quite a stranger to London, and to the different 
posts and manner of placing their guards ; but that if they executed 
according to their plans laid before him, he doubted not but they 
might succeed. But Pickle making some objections as to the veracity 
of this plan, told him that he could not positively contradick them, 
and tell the P. tfiat they impost upon him, for, says he, what opinion, 
Mr. Pickle, can I entertain of people that proposed that I should 
abandon my Embassy, and embark headlong with them ? What 
can I answer when they assure me that B d rl, S dh, G me ale 
(?) with others of that party have agreed, when once matters break 
out, to declare themselves ? But you need not, Mr. Pickle, be 
apprehensive ; you may safely wait the event, as you are not desir'd 
to make any appearance [in Scotland] untill London and other parts 
of England pulls off the mask, or untill there is a foreign landing." 

The Earl was close upon sixty, and if he disliked being 
out in the rain, doubtless he felt too old for any more 
" skulking/' Moreover, as to his opinion about the kid- 
napping, he felt that London had much changed since 
he was Colonel of Queen Anne's Horse Grenadier Guards. 

Alexander Murray declared that the Earl Marischall 
supported the plot, but when Murray returned to Paris 
after the failure, Lord Elcho, who was much with the 
Earl, writes that the latter declined to receive him. 
Charles Edward, on the other hand, wrote " that Goring 
had seen Lord Marischall, but nothing was to be got 
out of him." 

The fact was that Marischall found himself in a very 
difficult position. Directly he reached Paris he entered 


into correspondence with Frederic. Of affairs all over 
Europe Sweden, Russia, Poland, Turkey, Goa, the 
Imperial election he wrote exhaustively. He pro- 
nounced a good opinion of St. Constant, now Louis's 
first Minister, " the only Minister who does not com- 
municate affairs to the Pompadour " ; his department 
not mercenary; honest, he tolerated no creatures. He 
described the bad state of French finances, as likely to 
lead to evil consequences ; he arranged with the King's 
confessor for transplanting Jesuits to Breslau as Frederic 
desired. He catered for Frederic's literary tastes, 
sending a letter from one Quinsones, a collaboration 
with Vauvenargues, and a Knight of Malta, " whose 
verses you have already had [by Voltaire] ; he honours 
me often, and at length with his prose ; he wishes Your 
Majesty to recommend him to the Grand Master to 
command a galley, and to be resident Ambassador at 
your Court." 

But behind this diplomatic work for Prussia were, 
as we have seen, other and more mysterious doings. 
Marischall, when appointed to Paris, had " hoped he 
might do something for the cause." He was to be the 
link between the Prussian king, to whom he was such 
a persona grata, and the Jacobites. First France, then 
Sweden having failed him, Charles tried Prussia. The 
Stuart cause was Frederic's trump card when England 
declined to meet his views upon the vexed question of 
the Prussian merchant ships seized by British privateers. 
It was the Earl Marischall who suggested his playing it. 

Into the intricate web of the Jacobite plots between 
1750 and 1753 the revelations of Pickle the spy throw 
much light. His identity with young Glengarry, 
Alastair McDonald, grandson of that Lord of the Isles 
who distinguished himself at Killiekrankie and Sherrff- 
muir, has been established by Mr. Andrew Lang's admir- 


able unravelling of mysteries which puzzled all the 
chancelleries of the period. 

Aide-de-camp of Charles Edward, when hiding at 
Gravelines prior to his embarkation in 1745, Glengarry, 
three years later, wrote to ask the Chevalier for the 
Colonelcy of the Scoto-Franco Regiment of Albany. 
This was already promised. James had nothing to 
bestow but a parchment peerage. Glengarry, in sore 
need of money, as were all the Jacobites, then turned 
to the English Government with offer of " faithful and 
loyal service/' He became as deeply-dyed a traitor 
as was subsequently Murray of Broughton, and was 
soon known to have plenty of cash. In closest touch 
with all the Jacobites, including Charles Edward and the 
Chevalier himself, he corresponded with all and sundry 
as Pickle, Roderick Random, etc. 

The Elibank plot, as we have seen, was but part and 
parcel of a much deeper one, and Charles was but a pawn 
in Frederic's great game, which consisted in bolstering 
himself up with a French alliance against the inevitable 
day, now fast approaching, when Austria would seek to 
recover her lost Silesian province. 

He wrote to the Earl Marischall at the end of 
November 1752 : 

" As I perceive, by all you tell me, that it is the mistress who 
makes rain or fine weather, I should be very glad if you would 
inform me if there is no means of winning her for me, and which 
would be the most efficacious means to arrive at it." 

His letter crossed one of the MarischaU's : 

"As your Majesty has ordered me to give my opinion on the 
success which He can expect from the propositions which he has 
made to the King of France, I will set about doing it as well as I 
can. I think the French Ministers wish for nothing more ardently 
than to be able to enjoy as long as possible the present tranquillity, 
and they are quite convinced that, in case of need, they could obtain 


from the Turks a declaration such as would restrain the Kussians 
and circumvent the Court of Vienna in the execution of the 
ambitious projects it has formed. I even apprehend that the 
Turks, if they make war without success, would charge France for 
inciting them to it, and England would not fail to profit by such an 
opportunity to become arbiter of peace and inspire the Ministry 
of the Porte with distrust of France, representing her as a power 
only intent on disturbing affairs, and abandoning allies in need, 
which is what Constant told me yesterday. Your Majesty will have 
seen in the reply they made to my Memo that there is not the 
slightest hint of war against the Empress, who is, nevertheless, one 
of the objects aimed at in your Majesty's letter ; whence I infer 
that they fear to forsake Austria, who, if the Turks declare war 
on her, would infallibly accuse France of encouraging them. 

" Moreover, I am not surprised at the caution with which they 
have explained themselves here. Ministers are disunited, finances 
disarranged, all classes discontented, the people irritated against 
the Government because of the price of corn, which is not caused 
by real famine , but by intrigues of some protected tax-gatherers . The 
clergy tries to make use of the weakness of the Government to 
establish a kind of Inquisition, and Parliament to extend its 
authority. But what will make this torpor continue longer is the 
Mistress' interest in preserving peace, which will last as long as her 
favour, and still subsist if Mde de Choiseul took her place, as rumour 
has run for some time. To keep the King in this stagnation I think 
that they tell him that he has done enough for his glory, has made 
war and peace with equal success, that no one will dare to attack 
him first, and he need think but of enjoying the reputation he has 
acquired. So he is only occupied in removing from one country- 
house to another. He hunts, builds, and lives in continual dissipa- 
tion, and in idleness varied by new amusements. 

" The Ministers are aware, Sire, of all the superiority of your 
mind and your enlightenment ; it inspires them with mistrust, 
makes them more reserved with me than with the other envoys, 
and more than it appears to me that they should be to the envoy of 
such a close ally, and it is surely your penetration that they fear in 
me, and not mine. It goes so far that someone who is quite au fait 
of what is going on, who knows the valour of your person and of 
your power and of the Elector Palatine, and who speaks sometimes 
in this tone to the ministers, would not meet me, though he freely 
meets the envoys of other courts. It appears to me that the ties 


of interest which attach France to Your Majesty, and the frankness 
with which Your Majesty expresses his feelings on various occasions, 
should remove distrust, and I have always avoided, as far as I 
could, the giving occasion to it, being sure it was the best service I 
could render to Your Majesty." 

With reference to securing the Pompadour, the Earl 
replied : 

" Every little attention, and every little present, flatters the 
vanity of the Marquise, especially on the part of Your Majesty, 
though she is so accustomed to them that half the time she does 
not feel them any more than a perfumer smells the good odours of 
his shop. But we cannot win her in this manner. She is very 
fond of money, but she would not dare to receive a sum from Your 
Majesty, and she would run too much risk in showing herself partial 
to your favour. Moreover, Sire, supposing that you did give her 
a large sum, it would be utter loss ; she would always have good 
loopholes to do nothing but what she would do of herself, &c., 
what had been advised her. She has to be more on her guard than 
in the past. Mde de Choiseul somewhat shares the favours, I mean 
the bed, of the King; at least everyone believes it. It might also 
be that jealousy of Your Majesty comes in. When a wit wishes to 
point out an example of a great man and a great king, they go three 
hundred leagues from Versailles. It is true that incense is not 
spared her ; but it is the subjects who offer it, and not foreigners. 
It is felt what 150,000 men led by Your Majesty can do, and that 
without the support of your alliance France can accomplish nothing 
in Germany. I am convinced, moreover, that Your Majesty will 
always get them to do, if needs be, what he wants, and that they 
will conform to his views without any other influence than that of 
Your Majesty's superior mind. Finally, I shall not lose sight of 
opportunities which may occur to render the Marquise more in- 
clined to Your Majesty, and if I perceive any means thereto I shall 
have the honour to inform Your Majesty." 

By the end of the year the Elibank plot, revealed by 
Pickle, had fizzled out. All had done their part but 
Murray, whose heart failed him ; he returned to Paris to 
tell the Earl that all was over, But Alan Cameron of 


Lochiel was acting as agent between Prussia and 
Scotland. The Earl of Westmorland, Dr. King of 
Oriel College, Oxford, Atterbury's late Secretary, and 
James Dawkins, the antiquarian and explorer of 
Palmyra, were the leaders of the English Jacobites. 
Their plan was for the King of Prussia to promise to 
secure Swedish troops, and for Field-Marshal James 
Keith to lead them. 

Pickle the spy, in mysterious cypher, threw light on 
the proceedings : 

" There are great expectations from the Norwegian fir trade with 
Sweden, which merchants here think will turn to good account. . . . 
Sir James Harrington is not well versed in this business, but I believe 
my friend at Venice is, and I am certain that Mr. Oliver [the King 
of Spain] would hearken to any proposals on this topick." 

Pickle informed Sir Horace Walpole that intelligences 
had been received that Cameron was coming to Scotland 
in the spring (1753) with arms for disaffected High- 
landers. Walpole wrote to Mann at Florence at the 
end of April : " What you say you have heard of strange 
conspiracies fomented by ' our nephew ' is not entirely 

The Earl Marischall, some weeks previously, had 
informed his master that the Pompadour's " empire 
over the King's mind " was on the wane, and that the 
Comte d'Argenson, " her dangerous enemy," was trying 
to substitute Madame de Choiseul in her place. 

In the whirl of diplomatic intrigue Marischall found 
his hands full, and felt some self-distrust in his new 

"Feb. 16th, 1753. 

" You frightened me, Sire, in one of your despatches, by saying 
that you used my accounts to act upon. I only beg you, Sire, to 
be convinced that I only write what seerns to me true according to 


my judgement, and that I shall always do the same. My brother 
has told Your Majesty that I should wish to pay my respects to 
him if this year he journeyed to Cleves. 

" In reflecting upon the animosity of the King of England to- 
wards Your Majesty, which he has shewn in his pretentions on 
East Frisia, on the affairs of the Empire, and in revoking the guar- 
antees of Silesia, it seemed to me that Your Majesty would not be 
sorry to be informed as to the strength of the party against him in 
England, in which, and in the person of Prince Edward, you could 
easily make some work for him, if he risked pushing you too far. 
Should this case occur, Sire, be assured that I would never give you 
false or ill-founded views, but that I should shew you the strength 
and the weakness ; that I would not deceive you in favour of any 
friends in England, nor deceive them in favour of anyone. There 
are so many things difficult to say on this head that it is not easy 
to explain them but by word of mouth. I only know one man who, 
perhaps, would and could go, in my place, and open this situation 
to you. You would find it very different from what is generally 
believed to be the case. I will try and persuade him. He is a 
reliable man, who has the confidence of his party ; he has large 
estates, and consequently would not embark in any adventure. 
He can go as a traveller to Berlin. He is in England at the present 
moment ; but, I think, is soon to come here. Be assured, Sire, that I 
will not commit you ; that neither Prince Edward nor anyone but this 
man only will be informed about it, except that it will be known that 
such a man has been to Berlin, if he goes publickly, which might 
give the English Government food for thought ; and if he goes 
there privately he need only see Your Majesty and my brother. 
I cannot, however, answer for it that his affairs will allow of his 
undertaking the journey ; but I believe so, and I am almost sure 
that he will go there with pleasure. If Your Majesty wishes to hear 
from him, let Him give him his orders : meanwhile I will try and 
have him come here, not to lose any time." 

Frederic gratefully accepted the offer, and Marischall 
wrote on February 26th : 

" I have written to England to the person of whom I had the 
honour to write to Your Majesty, to persuade him to come, without 
explaining my motives, not only on account of the danger for him, 
but also in order to set nothing afoot without your orders. If he 


comes, as I hope, I can speak to him as if it was my own idea, 
without his being aware that Your Majesty is informed about it. 
I could even send him to Berlin as if merely to make a tentative 
with Your Majesty and to sound his interests. In that way Your 
Majesty would be committed to nothing ; he would be informed 
of the interests and of the strength of the different parties in England, 
and he could use my brother in all this without knowing that Your 
Majesty took much concern in it till he had decided what best 
to do." 

Little wonder that the British Government was in- 
censed by Frederic's " tampering/' The news came 
through Vienna, :t private and most secret/' from 
Robert Keith, the British Minister there, and, strange 
to say, a distant cousin of the Earl Marischall. Robert 
Keith commented on the King of Prussia's " ill-faith 
and ambition, which could not fail to set the English 
nation against his interests by shewing the dangerous 
effect of any increase of force or power in a Prince 
capable of such horrid designs." 

1752 TO SPRING 1753 

THE Earl Marischall " liked Paris better than his trade 

He had a house in the capital, and, when in attendance 
at Court, lodgings at Versailles. Life under Louis XV 
was but a succession of amusements, splendid and 
extravagant. At the celebration of the birth of the 
Duke of Burgundy, the fireworks at Versailles alone cost 
a million livres. 

A letter of the Earl Marischall to his brother, written 
a few months after his arrival in Paris, shows the lighter 
side of his life there. 

"PARIS, Jan. 30' 1752. 

" C'est une bone affaire que Monsieur Balbi nous a fait en nous 
donnant un entrepos pour nos commissions, mais il faut que home 
ait un correspondent a Bruxelles pour recevoir ce que je pourrois 
vour envoyer par le coche et me faire tenir de meme ce qui vient 
de Wesel. j'ay ici Meunier correspondent de gregori, et fort 
obligent, qui s'ofire de meme pour nos commissions ; il ira ce 
prin terns a la foire de Leipsigh et je vous prieray de lui faire donner 
de la toile come votre bleue pour tapisser une chambre et pour 
les rideaux, el faut 150 aunes de Berlin. 

" mes compliments a Mademoiselle Eve, so montre est partie par 
un courier et ses autres commissions dont Monsieur de Kniphausen 
etoit charge, comme aussi vos commissions et un almanack pour 
Mr de Maupertuis. 

" je suis anxieux de voir le livre de Voltaire, tant mieux qu'il 



a ecrit librement ; si tout le monde etoit bien sage il seroit trop 
enuient, il nous faut des Voltaires et des Ariostes. bon soir. 

"Dans ma derniere je vous parlois des moyenes pour avoir, et 
pas trop chere, un antale de vin d'hongrie, le General Schmittan en 
avoit de bon, assez bon pour moy, a un florin la bouteille ; je lui 
serois bien oblige s'il pourroit me faire avoir de pareille et au meme 
prix, en revange je lui ferois ses commissions ici et celles de Madame, 
et sans le vin encore je m'offre a leur service et vous prie de les 
faire mes compliments. 

" I want to have the King's picture ; make one be sent me by 
hambourg, how soon the river is open, and the rest of the Royal 
family when I have more money, if ever I have. 

" Monsieur de Melfort me prie de vous faire ses excuses de ce 
qu'il tarde a repondre a votre lettre, mais il travaille d'avoir 1'agre- 
ment de sa Cour d'aller vous faire une visite et voir les troupes du 
Roy, en faisoit et on fait courir le bruit qu'il est relegue ou banni 
de la France votre lettre est heureusement d'une date a faire qui 
fera voir que c'est pas d'aujourdhui qu'il pense a aller a Berlin. 

" Si je voulois vous ecrire les nouvelles de Paris cent plumes ne 
suffirorent pas, mais il y a une avantage si plaisante arrivee a deux 
Dames que je ne resiste pas a la tention de vous la dire et si her 
Goska auroit etc asser habile je vous en aurons envoye Phistoire 
comme on faisoit au Grand Motezuma. elles furent chez une 
diseuse de bone avanture, qui les re$ut dans un appartament fort 
honete, elle leurs dit que celles qui pretendoit la dire par la main 
etoient des friponnes, qu'il faloit savoir leur age, le jour de leur 
naissance and ca mais surtout examiner les marques qui se trouvoient 
sur leur corps et les examiner neus comme la main, les Dames con- 
sentirent, leurs habits furent mis sur une table, puis la Devineresse 
elles fit entrer dans un petit cabinet et commen9a la ceremonie. 
elle avoit oublie un livre dans la chambre ou etoit les habits, et 
sortit pour 1'apporter, pris les habits, ferma les portes a clef, et 
laissa les Dames a se dire 1'avanture ; elles attendirent long terns, 
enfin come d'autres gens de la maison on ne voyoient personne 
entrer ni sortir, on commencat a vouloir savoir ce qui on etoit ; 
les voisins s'assemblerent et assex du monde ; les Dames ne 
voulurent point ouvrir les portes ; le comissaire fut appelle, il fit 
enforcer les portes et alloit envoyer tout de suite les Dames as 
salpetrier come deux coureuses ; elles furent obligees de lui dire 
a 1'oreille leurs noms, on conveya chercher leurs femes de chambre 
et des habits." 


A notable figure was the Earl MarischalTs cousin, 
handsome young Louis Hector, Due de Melfort, grandson 
of the exiled Duke of Perth, the grandfather of the 
Earl. A fine soldier, distinguishing himself under 
Marshal Saxe, and a military author, he was involved 
in a liaison with a Princess of the Blood, the Duchesse 
de Chartres, nee Conti. One night, soon after Mari- 
schalFs arrival, there was a great scene at the opera, the 
indignant husband ordering the Due de Melfort out of 
the Duchesse's box, in which he was lolling, and not 
troubling himself to rise when the Due de Chartres 

Grand royal funerals, that of the Due d'Orleans, 
and of the King's eldest daughter, early in the next 
year, hardly put a stop to court gaieties. But, doubtless, 
these appealed less to the Earl Marischall than the 
delightful intellectual life in Paris itself. 

Lady Hervey, witty Molly Lepel, the friend of Pope, 
arrived in Paris in 1751. ' Here/' she wrote, "is as 
great variety of company as can be imagined, coteries 
to suit one in every humour (except a melancholy one) 
that one can be in." With her the Earl formed a 
pleasant friendship. 

But even more congenial to him was Madame Geoff rin, 
the quiet, serious bourgeoise, who attracted the greatest 
intellects in Paris, and reigned over a bureau d' esprit, 
in her " kingdom of the Rue St. Honore," the most 
complete salon the eighteenth century produced. Every 
stranger of distinction who passed through Paris sought 
admittance ; all Europe was represented. 

Her dinners were famous. On Mondays came the 
artists Vanloo, Boucher, Vernet, La Tour among them, 
with some conversationalist like Marmontel to make 
talk. On Wednesdays it was the men of letters, for, 
except Mile de TEspinasse, no woman ever graced 


Madame Geoffrin's board they frittered conversation, 
she said. The Earl Marischall sat at meat with, among 
others, Diderot, very old Fontenelle, Montesquieu, 
Merivaux, the learned Abbe de Prades, soon to escape 
to Berlin, amiable young Helvetius the philosopher, 
d'Alembert, gayest and wittiest of them all, to be the 
MarischalFs friend and eulogist until death and after. 

The day closed with the most select of little suppers, 
austere-looking Madame Geoffrin in her nurse-like, old- 
lady dress, entertaining but some half-dozen friends, 
one or two of the very grandes dames of the world in 
powder and brocade being admitted. 

Another circle, very different, but equally congenial 
to Milord Marechal, was that presided over by the 
fascinating Comtesse de Boufflers, the mistress of the 
Prince of Conti at his residence, the Temple, in Paris, 
and in his chateau at Lisle Adam. A scene at the 
The a I' Anglais in the Salle des Quatres Glaces, at the 
Temple, still lives on canvas. We see the "divine 
Comtesse/' the " Hole de la Temple," as Madame du 
Defiant wittily dubbed her, presiding over a group 
composed of President Henault, the Chevalier Lorenzy, 
the Marechale de Luxembourg, the Marechale Mirepoix, 
Count Egmont, with young Mozart at the spinet. 

The intellectual activity in Paris at that time was im- 
mense. Diderot and his fellow Encyclopedists brought 
out the first volume of their famous Dictionary the year 
after the arrival of the Earl Marischall. The Govern- 
ment, occupied in busily persecuting liberty of thought 
in the Jansenists, also attempted to quench it in the 
opposite extreme, and prohibited the publication of the 
philosophers' Dictionary. But the Earl Marischall, 
already inoculated at Sans Souci, and always at core 
a Republican Jacobin, as well as Jacobite at Paris 
steeped himself in the new doctrines. 


Madame GeofTrin had just begun to patronize art, and 
to collect pictures and engravings. Vernet, Boucher, 
Vanloo, were painting for her. She imbued the Earl 
with her taste, and he, when his wanderings were over, 
also began to collect engravings. 

But there were more tender episodes in the Earl 
Marischairs life at Paris. Thither his " heathen " had 
accompanied him, and Ermetulla had grown up, writes 
Voltaire, into " une assez jolie petite Turque." The Earl 
had written to him that lie had taken " his Turk girl " 
to see Voltaire's play Mahomet, and that she had been 
much scandalized. 

Ermetulla, or Ermette, as her name had been 
Gallicized, had always looked upon Marischall as a 
father. But as she grew up the latter regarded her in 
a more tender light. One day, he asked her if she did 
not reciprocate his feelings. 

" I am your slave/' she replied; " do with me what 
you will. But, if you use your rights, you will drive me 
to despair. I love you as the tenderest father, but I 
have no other feelings for you." 

This was enough for the high-minded Earl Marischall. 
From that moment Ermetulla was to him as a daughter, 
and he took steps to provide for her after his death. 
He charged for her some Scotch property which had 
remained to him. But it was property that would 
devolve upon James Keith, and the fact shows the 
complete confidence which subsisted between the 

It is impossible to omit quoting here the charming 
account of the meeting at this time of the Earl Marischall 
with his old love of over thirty years before, given in the 
Memoirs of the Marquise de Crequy, edited, in the very 
fullest sense of the word, by de Courchamps. Some 
controversy, as we have already shown, has taken place 


as to the real authorship of these amusing volumes; 
but it seems almost impossible not to agree with Sainte- 
Beuve that the " Marquise de Crequy " was but a 
pseudonym given by that clever plagiarist de Cour- 
champs to the collection of anecdotes he amassed. 
Historically and chronologically, they could not have 
been written by the real Marquise de Crequy ; yet there 
must have been some foundation for the Earl MarischalFs 
love-story, for his meeting again, in his old age, some 
flame of his youth he had never forgotten, but whose 
name and identity is now buried in mystery and 
oblivion. Moreover, the tale throws light on the 
personality of the Earl as his intimates of the time 
knew him ; gives, in fact, a portrait of him not at all 
incredible or impossible for de Courchamps to re- 
produce, even at second-hand. 

" When we met again, the Marischall and I, after so many years 
of separation and of apparent forgetf illness, we made a discovery 
with which we were both agreeably surprised and touched. We 
had never ceased to think of each other ; our hearts had been so 
deeply touched that they were filled with a feeling at first of sadness, 
and then infinitely sweet. It would seem that, in order to love for 
ever, there is nothing like having loved each other truly, and then 
to have stopped short. One has not had time to shew one's faults ; 
one has not suffered from the imperfections of each other ; one has 
remained in an illusion which experience has been unable to dissipate ; 
one has delighted in an ideal of perfection which always smiles upon 
you with ineffable sweetness ; and when one comes to meet together 
again at the other end of life, when one sees each other again be- 
neath hair grown grey with wisdom and dignity, one then experiences 
such a tender emotion, so pure and so solemn, that one certainly 
could not compare it with any other feeling, any other human 

" The visit paid me by the Marischall of Scotland took place 
in the presence of Mme de Nevers, who was stirred by it to the 
bottom of her heart. You were born then, my dear grandson, and 
the Marischall had become a septuagenarian. 


"Listen," he said to me, "listen to the only French verses I 
ever wrote, and perhaps the only reproachful verses which were 
ever addressed to you. 

" ' Un trait lance* par caprice 

M'attaignit dana mon printemps. 

J'en porte la cicatrice 

Encor sous nos cheveux blancs. 

" ' Craignez les maux qu'amour cause, 
Et plaignez un insense" 
Qui n'a point cueilli la rose, 
Et que l'6pine a blesseV 

" On his venerable cheek, from his eyes so proud, a tear or two 

" * Shall you soon return to the King of Prussia ? ' I asked him. 
' Shall we be separated for ever, and will you not be converted ? ' 

" ' I am and shall be yours, after as before my death/ he replied 
with a delightful simplicity. * I have loved you too much not to 
have embraced your religion, that religion to which you were firm 
enough to sacrifice all. . . . But,' he went on, smiling, 'I am 
become Catholic, and a good catholic, in spirit and in truth ! . . .' 

" This affirmation of such a noble old man has made the sweetness 
and joy of the rest of my life." 

Before bidding farewell to the delightful Marquise, 
and while hoping against hope, despite ruthless critics 
and peccant plagiarists, that the pretty story of the 
Earl MarischalFs lasting love for her may, after all, be 
true, let us refer to a point in connection with the episode 
which has hitherto escaped the limelight of criticism. 
We give it for what it is worth. 

Nearly two years after his arrival in Paris we find, 
in a letter from Marischall to Frederic, that is given 
further on, that he expresses himself to the King as very 
pleased that a French nobleman, just arrived at Potsdam, 
is much appreciated at that Court, and adds that he is 
a man of distinction, very well thought of in the world 
of Paris, and particularly by the King, and trusts that 


Frederic will be equally pleased with him when he has 
seen him. Marischall mentions his name : it is M. de 
Froulay ! 

Evidently it was owing to the Earl Marischall that he 
had been accredited to Frederic's Court. Was it a son, 
grandson, or nephew of his friend the Marquise ? 



IN the spring of 1753 Dr. Alan Cameron, Jacobite agent 
between Scotland and Prussia, was arrested at Memel 
when on the point of sailing. The British Government 
had not sufficient evidence against him. To convict 
him they were obliged to fall back on the events of 1745. 
For three months he languished in gaol ere he was 
hanged at Tyburn, the last martyr to the Stuart 

But while this tragedy was affecting the Earl Mari- 
schalFs friends in England and Paris, comedy was being 
played by his intimates in Berlin. At Christmas the 
quarrel between Frederic and Voltaire had taken place, 
and, though a hollow reconciliation had ensued, they 
never met again on the old footing. Voltaire was 
struggling to be free of Frederic's clutches and to return 
to Paris. The latter, amidst so many more serious pre- 
occupations, found time to put his view of the case 
clearly before the Earl Marischall that the latter might 
be forewarned when the irritated poet appeared in 
Paris. But he could scarcely have imagined how irate 
Voltaire would have then become when, with his own 
hand, he wrote to the Earl in April : 

" Milord, For some time all sorts of scenes have been going on 
between Voltaire and Maupertuis, and, as I shall be very glad that 
the truth is known in your parts, I am going to tell you some details, 



in order that you may spread them about in Paris. Voltaire took 
it into his head to become president of our Academy, and in order 
to succeed he thought the best way would be to cover Maupertuis 
with ridicule. In order to do this he took sides with Konig in a 
literary quarrel the latter had with Maupertuis, and he attacked the 
other impudently ; further, in order to print his libels here he 
asked me leave to have his Defence of milord Bolingbroke printed, 
and he made use of this same permission to deceive the publisher 
and to get him to print his ' Akakia ' which is the most infamous 
satire on Maupertuis. I was told about it and I sent for him. He 
was convicted of this fraud, and I threatened to have him expelled 
if he did not hand over to me the whole edition of the ' Akakia,' and 
sign a paper in which he promised to attack neither great princes 
nor private persons, and to leave quietly. Necessity drove him to 
fall in with this. Hardly had I arrived in Berlin this winter than I 
found the * Akakia ' on sale. Upon which I had the libel burnt by 
the hangman, and had Voltaire told I wished his key and cross 
returned. After pressing solicitations on his part, I allowed myself 
to yield, by stipulating only that [he should] retract all his infamous 
satires in the newspaper, which he was obliged to do. Since then 
Voltaire returned here to ask permission to go to Plombieres, which I 
granted him ; but he shot some satires against me as he departed. He 
is at Leipzig, where he has had fresh satires printed, and has severed 
with everything ; he will never return to this country. As he is a 
malicious lunatic, he is capable, on his return to France, of spreading 
all sorts of calumnies and infamies both about Maupertuis and about 
this country, which 1 beg you to counteract, if you can. Especially 
you will demand his niece the Denis to return the agreement I 
signed with her uncle, that she must give it back, and you can 
say everywhere that this man, having made himself odious to every 
one by his deceit, his peculation, and his malice, I had been obliged 
to turn him out. 

" If he comes back to France you must ask him to return a book 
I gave him (' (Euvres du Philosophe de Sans Souci ') and all the 
letters I wrote him ; especially you must address yourself to the 
ministers that they may compel him not to have impertinences 
printed. I am sorry, milord, to give you such foolish commissions, 
but I am well punished for having been kind to a lunatic who hap- 
pened to be one of the most ungrateful and malicious of mortals. 
The pains you will take over this affair will increase still further 
the regard and esteem I have for you. Adieu. FREDERIC," 


Milord replied : 

" PABIS, 13 May, 1753. 

" SIRE, 

" J'ay ete chercher Mde Denis d'abord qu'elle est revenue de 
la Campagne. Je vous envois, Sire, une lettre que je viens de 
recevoir d'Elle. Je suis ties persuade de sa bonne foi et que le 
Contrat Vous sera rendu." 

Meanwhile a report of the Earl Marischall upon the 
Pompadour's increased ascendancy caused Frederic, in 
his reply, " to reflect, for lack of other interesting things, 
that a land is much to be pitied where the rise and fall 
of a woman's credit can influence affairs and bring about 
a change of view on matters of great importance." 

The Earl did his best to place the undignified squabble 
between Frederic and Voltaire in a favourable light as 
regards the former, and he was grateful. 

" I thank you, milord, for all the pains you have taken to rid 
me of this garrulous poet, who, for my sins, came hither ; I am 
very pleased with the restraint you employ in the description, but 
in writing and speaking to you of this wretch I can use no other 
expressions but those of thief and villain, for he played all manner 
of thievish tricks here, and behaved like a scoundrel. I have my- 
self to complain of him, but I would willingly forgive him all he 
did if it was not the public and everyone whom he has deceived. 
I could never have believed that, with all the wit he has, he could 
be so black of soul ; if I wrote to you of a hundredth part of the 
disturbances he made here, your honesty would shudder over it. 
In short, milord, purge me of the foolish thing I did in getting 
this man here, and try to wind up everything with his niece as you 
suggest. I am your entire friend, FEDERIC." 

A week later : 

" I am much obliged to you, Milord, for all the trouble you have 
taken to put an end to this worry which has caused me much 
annoyance ; you take trouble over business which is not your 
affair, and over which your friendship works for me. I assure you 


that I am all the more obliged to you, and that I will try and re- 
venge myself when occasion offers. It is a great pity that Messieurs 
les beaux esprits have such an unbalanced brain ; their literary 
quarrel might be forgiven them, but their thievish and underhand 
tricks are many, and should not be mixed up with them." 

Then he relapses into politics ; but the mere dis- 
cussion of Voltaire has made him bitter : 

" The affairs of your parliament make a surprising noise here. As 
for myself, as a heretic and a philosopher who has no leaning to- 
wards priests, I should very much wish that their chatter was 
calmed down and that the proud air and the vanity with which 
they are striving to re-establish the Inquisition in France were 
humbled. But I speak of these things like the public, and one must 
be behind the scenes to know the reasons which oblige the Court [to] 
protract this scene so strongly. As for me, I think that everyone 
should understand his own interests better than his neighbour does ; 
and that all that is done is for the best. The Saxons have laid in a 
store of 20,000 Ibs. of sugar ; I think that if the Great Moghul sent 
all the Mongolian parrots into camp he would not require any more 
victuals for his volatile army. But, basta / let us let others play 
the fool in peace, provided they let us do the same. Adieu, my 
dear milord ; I embrace you with all my heart. FEDERIC." 

The arrest of Cameron had affected Charles Edward's 
nerves. A rumour ran that he himself was to be 
murdered as a retaliation for the Elibank plot. As 
" John Douglas " he wrote to the Earl Marischall as 
" Mr. Giffard," in Paris, on April 15th, 1753, in fear 
that his hiding-place might be known. 

" I am extremely unnesi (sic) by the accident that has happened 
to a certain person. You now [know] how much I was against 
people in that Service [he seemed to think Cameron betrayed by 
the French]. My antipathi, iff possible, increases every day, which 
makes me absolutely determined, whatever happens, never to 
aproach (sic) their Country, or have to do with anibody that comes 
with them. I have been on y a point of leaving this place but 


thought it better to differ (sic) it untill I here from you. My 
entention was to go to Francfor Sur Maine and from thence to 
Bal in Swise, but without ever trespassing in y e French Dominions ; 
be pleased to send back by M. Dumon your opinion of which Toun in 
y e Queen of H. D. [Hungary's Dominions] would be y e best for me 
to go to would not D's Country House be good ? perhaps I may 
get it for six months." 

The Earl Marischall was also uneasy as to Charles's 
safety, but did not venture an opinion as to his future 
movements. Both Charles and Goring misunderstood 
as coming from him a message to leave Cologne, and 
Goring replied from Paris to the Prince : 

" The message delivered to you by Mr. Cambell has been falsely 
represented to you, or not rightly understood : the noble person 
Mr. Cambell mentions as to have sent you a positive message to 
leave Gand and retire to Cologne, denies to have sent you any 
positive message at all on that account. He was indeed very 
anxious for your safety, and is of opinion that, since the taking 
of Mr. Cameron, your person ran an inevitable danger, if you staid 
where you then were, and gave as his opinion only, that the 
dominions of the Elector of Cologne and the Palatinate appeared to 
be the safest, by reasons of those princes being in interests opposite 
to the Court of Hanover, but was very far from saying you would 
be safer there, or indeed anywhere. How is it possible a man of 
his sense could think, much less a prince like you, who have so 
many powerful enemies, that any place could guard you from them ? 
No, sir, he is of opinion that nothing can save your life but by 
your taking just measures and prudent precautions to hyde your- 
self from them. 

" These are the sentiments of the noble person you mention in 
yours of the 29th, whose name I do not put on paper, he having 
desired me never to do so till he gave me leave. He told me further 
that it would be for your interest he should not know as yet where 
you were ; and bid me advise you to have a care how you walk 
out of the town near the Rhine, for in your taking such walks it 
would be easy for five or six men to seise (sic) your person and put 
you in a boat, and Carry you to Holland, who have territories but 
one quarter of an hour distant from ye toun. , . ." 


In May " Jemmy " Dawkins, the Oxfordshire land- 
owner, explorer of Mesopotamia, turned conspirator, 
and who had brought 4,000 from England for the 
Pretender, went to Berlin, bearing a letter in cypher 
from the Earl Marischall to the King. 

" My friend who will bear this cypher has the entire confidence 
of his party, a man of honour and a good citizen who will not enter 
into any affaire, being rich in family possessions. I did not let him 
know that Your Majesty was already aware of his journey. I let 
him think that it was my own notion, to try and see through my 
brother if Your Majesty would listen to him, in order to leave you 
entirely free to act [as] you pleased, without committing yourself in 
any way, because my friend will speak frankly to my brother, who 
will tell you what passes between them ; and if Your Majesty 
wishes to hear him yourself, I beg you to still keep him in the dark 
that you knew already through me about his mission, for fear he 
should complain of me. It seems to me that the discontent is so 
great in England at this moment that a little thing might upset 
the government ; but this little thing is not easy to adjust. One 
project he will talk about seems to me chimerical ; I even think 
that, without winning over part of the troops, it would be folly 
to undertake anything without foreign aid. The foreign aid, of 
which a little will suffice, cannot, it seems to me, be hoped for except 
from four quarters : from Your Majesty, from Sweden, from France, 
or Spain. Your Majesty has not ships ; nevertheless, I do not think 
that a great obstacle, the small number which would suffice could 
be found under various pretexts of commerce. But I should not 
venture to advise Your Majesty to undertake anything without 
being supported by France against the allies of the King of England. 
I do not think France will go in for it, the same difficulty arising 
in Sweden ; the form of government would prevent it, and the party 
feeling. The French are looked upon by the populace in England 
as their natural enemies, and I doubt if France even is good faith 
wished the House of Stuart well. The Spanish are well placed and 
their armaments for America give them great facilities, but their 
treaties with the country of Vienna and Turin embarass them and 
put them out of court at present. The two chief persons in the 
secret in England, besides Dawkins, are Dr. King, a clever man, 
active, keen, and milord Westmorland, a wise man, prudent, with 


a good head, a good citizen, respected and respectable. You may 
always rely on their feelings, as they always will on yours ; but 
they will not easily confide in any prince. If they have anything to 
communicate to Your Majesty later, they will send a confidential 
agent or will work through me. Prince Edward does not know so 
much of this as Dawkins. His position, joined to a courage which 
never allows him to doubt of the success of what he wishes, renders 
it necessary for others to make plans for him, which he is always 
ready to undertake. I have not wished to have any direct corre- 
spondence with him, nor to know where he hides, but I am informed 
by others. 

" You can rely upon it that I guide myself by one man in conse- 
quence of your letter of the 7th, which I did not even read till three 
days ago. 

" I thought the affair in question is not very matured, as there is 
not yet a correct and general plan formed. Therefore I consider 
that, while waiting till that can be done, these people should be 
urged to increase the number of their partisans, and especially to 
form a party in the army, and principally in the fleet ; without that, 
all attempts will fail. 

" As for me, it would be to my interest to support these people in 
their designs sub rosa and without being noticed ; for you will 
agree that it is unseasonable in the present situation of affairs in 
Europe to declare myself openly. If it happened shortly that the 
throne was vacant, there is every appearance that under a regency 
a well-conducted attempt would succeed." 

So the Earl Marischall did not believe in Dawkins' 
scheme, without foreign aid, which he did not think 
could be forthcoming. 

Frederic received Dawkins, but thought the plans not 
well organized. He would " wait and see," and vaguely 
encouraged hopes. 

Marischall wrote from Paris on May 28th that : 

" They say that the influence of the Marquise diminishes and that 
she is about to be disgraced. This would be a very important 
event, for she has much influence on affairs, and is consulted in 
everything by the King and his ministers. In this it is apparent 


that the ambassador of England and the other ministers of the same 
party, are extremely partial to the Marquise, and that they do not 
fail to make public, when occasion offers, everything that may serve 
to dissipate the rumours which are spread about her disgrace. The 
partiality of the Marquise for England is supposed to be due to the 
sums which it is certain she has sent over to England to place them 
in safety, and partly by her wish to maintain peace, which is her 
work, and which she makes use of to have the King always with her 
and to enrich herself. 

" June 16th. Nothing can be more correct than what Your 
Majesty has said about the affairs of England in his letter of 29th. 
It was because I was of the same opinion that I would not let our 
friend see that Your Majesty was forewarned about his journey to 
Berlin ; I let him think that it was out of my own head that I 
suggested to him to go and see my brother. The liveliness of these 
gentlemen is perfectly well known to me ; their imagination is 
easily stirred ; they excite each other, and a prudent man is often 
obliged to hold his tongue in order to keep his influence. My friend 
Dawkins is a sensible and honest man, but Milord Westmorland has 
the better head and most influence. I should trust entirely what he 
should seriously advise, nevertheless I have quite recently seen that 
he would not take upon himself to distinctly oppose a great folly, 
and that he threw the onus of it on me." 

Frederic replied that he wished very much that 
Dawkins and his friends' business were on better footing, 
" for up till now there is neither place nor system." 
He left it to " Milord's penetration " if it would be 
suitable to pass on the hints which he had given. 

" In the position in which I find myself at present with the King 
of England and the way he is behaving to me [East Frisia, and the 
Silesian debts] it would even be of benefit to my service if you helped 
him secretly, and without appearing in it in any way, these people 
with your advice." 

In other words, he would use the Jacobites if he broke 
with England. 
In July the Earl wrote to his brother at Berlin that 


a warrant was out for the arrest of Dawkins. England 
was quite alive to the latter's doings. 

Meanwhile Frederic wrote to the Earl in a lighter 
vein. He had recovered his key and his cross from 
Voltaire, and fondly hoped that all skirmishing with the 
poet was at an end. 

" June \ih. I am always indebted to you, milord ; you take 
much trouble to put an end to worries, which, though of little im- 
portance at the bottom, are nevertheless disagreeable. I have 
made the poet give up his key and his cross, and he has sent me a 
note in which he promises to return me my book. I have nothing 
further to clear up with him, and I leave him to his fate, free to 
commit all manner of follies, and everything his gift of the gab may 
suggest to him." 

JUNE 1753 TO MARCH 1754 

BUT now a bombshell burst the scandal of the arrest 
at Frankfort, by the Prussian Eesident, of Voltaire and 
his niece. 

Frederic, immediately he heard of what had occurred, 
wrote to the Earl. The latter had indeed been a true 
prophet when, at Berlin, at the beginning of Voltaire's 
quarrel with the King, he had predicted to the poet 
that " some day, some big Prussian will box your ears." 

"An affair," wrote Frederic, "happened at Frankfort which 
troubled me. I wrote to my agent Freitag, to ask Voltaire for his 
Cross back, the Key, and the book he had. He did it, but he 
carried it out with a brutality which is not to my taste, and I write 
now in order to repair the past." 

Madame Denis instantly appealed to " Milord 

" AT FBANCFOBT, June llth. 

" I have hardly the strength to write to you, milord. I reached 
here very ill and found my uncle here dying and in a horrible prison. 
He is grieved about the anger of a prince he has worshipped and 
whom he still wishes to love ; but his innocence gives him a courage 
which surprises me myself amid all the ills which surround him. 
It is quite true that he has not got the agreement in question ; it 
is quite true that he thought he had sent it to me ; and perhaps he 
did, indeed sent it to me ; it may be that it has been lost in a letter 
which has not reached me, like many others ; perhaps also it may 
be in that box which is on the way back, or in his papers in Paris. 



To obviate all these inconveniences, not having the strength to 
write, he has just dictated to a trustworthy man a declaration 
which not only justifies him, but cancells that agreement for ever, 
which should surely disarm His Majesty. I believe, milord, you 
will be satisfied, all the more that, if even this agreement should be 
found, our first care will be to return it in spite of the document 
which we send. 

" I am so ill, and my uncle makes me really anxious for his life. 
I have only strength left to ask your friendship for him and myself. 


Milord sent a firm reply : 

" I hope, madame, that you will have seen your uncle to your 
satisfaction and his profit. Your good sense and gentleness will 
calm him and restore him, I hope, to reason. Above all things do 
not forget the agreement. I answered for your honesty to the 
King my master, and I do not regret it ; but I am embarrassed by 
the delay, and if I do not have it soon carried out, I shall not know 
what to say. There are also certain writings or poems which I 
must have ; I reckon on your good intention, and allow me to 
represent to you again that your uncle, if he behaves wisely, will 
not only avoid being blamed by everyone, but, as a sensible man, 
he should do so out of interest. Kings have long arms. 

" Let us look at the countries, in which (and this without giving 
you offence) M. de Voltaire has not made some disturbance or 
many enemies. He must be suspicious of every country of the 
Inquisition ; he will get into its clutches sooner or later. The 
Musselmen must be as little pleased with his Mahomet as good 
Christians have been. He is too old to go to China and become a 
mandarin. In short, if he is wise, nothing but France suits him. 
He has friends there ; you will have him with you for the rest of 
his days : do not let him exclude himself from the pleasure of 
returning there. And you know well that if he flings out writings or 
offensive epigrams against the King, my master, one word which he 
would order me to say to the Court of France would suffice to prevent 
M. de Voltaire from returning, and he would repent it when it was 
too late. Genus irritabile vatum ; your uncle does not belie tiie 
proverb. Soothe him ; it is not enough to make him listen to 
neason, force him to act up to it. Horace, it seems to me, has said 
somewhere that old men are garrulous ; upon his authority, I am 


going to tell you a tale. When discord arose among the Spanish 
conquerors of Peru, there was at Cusco a lady (I had rather for the 
sake of my story that it had been a poet) who let fly against Pizarro. 
One Caravajal, an adherent of Pizarro and a friend of the lady, 
came to advise to moderate her language ; she only became the 
more violent. Caravajal, after having vainly tried to appease her, 
said to her : ' Comadre, vio que para hazer callar una muyer as 
manester apretar la garganta ' (My good lady, I see that to silence 
a woman it is necessary to squeeze her throat), and the next moment 
he had her hung on the balcony. The King my master had never 
done malicious things ; I defie his enemies to impute a single one to 
him ; but if some big and strong Prussian, offended by your uncle's 
speeches, gave him a slap on the head, he would crush him. I hope 
that, when you have considered what I have written, you will be 
convinced that your uncle's best friend would advise him as I do, and 
that it is out of real friendship and sincere attachment to you that 
I speak thus frankly. I wish to be of use to you, I wish to soften 
the King. Prevent your uncle making a fool of himself he does 
that quite as well as he makes verses ; and that he does not wreck 
what I would do for you, to whom I am faithfully devoted. Good 
night. Do not show my letter to your uncle ; burn it, but tell him 
the gist of it as from yourself." 

Milord replied to the King : 

" PABIS, 2* juiUet, 1753. 

" je remercie tres humblement Votre Majeste de la bone opinion 
dont elle m'honore, je tacheray de ne me pas gater par vos bontes 
ni me laisser m'oublier, come il est arrive a plus d'un a qui vous avez 
fait tourner la tete en les traitant trop bien, il n'y a que sur cet 
article que je suis en garde centre Votre Majeste. Votre lettre du 
16 m'est venu a propos ; on clabaude sur la prise de M Denis, 
qu'on pretend a ete menee a pied par les rues escoitee par douze 
soldats a un auberge ou elle a des sentinelles a sa porte et un com- 
missaire qui couche dans sa chambre. Comme Votre Majeste ne 
parle pas d'elle, ni que Voltaire fut arrete prisonnier, j'ay dit a ceux 
qui m'en ont parle ce que Votre Majeste m'ecrit du 16 ; et que si 
reellement il y a eu quelque irregularite, il faut qu'il soit venu d'un 
mesentendu de M r Freydag : Que c'etoit naturel a croire que Votre 
Majeste auroit ordonne a M r Freydag de ne pas laisser partir Voltaire 
sans avoir rendu le livre, que M* Denis etant dans le meme cas 


pour 1'engagement, puisque son oncle disoit le lui avoir donne et 
qu'elle ne le nia pas, il 1'auroit voulu s'assurer d'elle jusqu'a ce 
qu'elle 1'auroit rendu elle ecrit qu'on demande cent vint ecus par 
jours pour ses gardes, a quoy j'ay repondu, qu'on pouvoit voir 
clairement par la que Votre Majeste ne savait rien de tout cela, 
puisqu'on ne vous soubsonneroit pas d'entrer dans ses detailles ; 
que si c'etoit vray, les archers de Frankfort exer9oient leur metier 
de fripons comme par tout. Je suis tres fache, Sire, d'etre oblige de 
vous parler encore de ce fol de poete et que cette tracasserie voua 
ait jamais pris un moment de votre terns que vous savez si bien 
employer, la Denis va revenir, je conte qu'elle va clabauder 
comme un diable, et que j'auray bataille avec elle, elle aime son 
oncle et lui a des grandes obligations, elle est femme et irritee : 
j'ay ecrit a Votre Majeste qu'elle etoit bone, je crains que je ne 
sois oblige de tacher de me tirer d'aifaire en disant selon la Moyene 
de Parvenir, toutes les femmes sont bones, si elles ne sont pas bones 
a Dieu, elles sont bones au Diable. 

" Je suis tres aise que M. de Froulay est si fort goute a votre cour ; 
il est home de bien, tres considere de tout le monde ici, et par- 
ticulierement de S. M. T. C. ; Votre Majeste, j'espere, en sera 
content quand elle 1'aura vue. j'ay admire la justessedes caracterea 
des trois autres, dont vous avez fait les portraits en peu de traits 
et bien ressemblants." 

Madame Denis sent another wail : 

" I wrote to persuade Voltaire a year ago to come and spend six 
months here. I perceived the cards were coming out badly, and I 
wished to cool his head, and it was laid to my charge as a crime." 

The indignant niece even went to Compiegne, where 
the Court then was, to interview Milord and expatiate 
on the treatment to which she had been subjected. 
The Earl wrote to Frederic, July 19th. 

" M e Denis a ete ici center ses doleances centre M" Fieytagh 
et Schmid, si ce qu'elle dit est vray je suis persuade que Votre 
Majeste jugera qu'ils meritent punition d'avoir abuse de votre nom 
respectable ; tout le monde est scandalise de leur precede, puisqu'ila 
ont fait des sotises, je ne suis pas fache qu'ils les ont fait bones et 
grosses, pour que le publique voit clairement que cela ne pouvoit 


jamais venir des ordres de Votre Majeste je souhaite Sire que lea 
eaux vous fassent du bien et j'ay 1'honeur d'etre avec le plus pro- 
fond respect." 

" COMPIEGNB, August 2, 1753. 
" SIRE, 

" Voltaire, me semble, devient fol a Her ; il a ecrit une 
impertinente et sotte lettre a sa niece, et dont elle a laisse prendre 
copie, entre autres choses il appelle au cheval de Bronze pour 
certifier qu'il est bon Fra^ois, on se moque de lui par tout, mais 
on plaint M Denis, je vous envoye Sire une lettre que je viens de 
recevoir d'elle ; elle tache de s'excuser et son oncle le moins mal 
qu'elle peut, et en cela Votre Majeste la jugera pardonable. 

" La reponse a Voltaire de Vienne est bonne, et le coup de patte 
au Prince qui lui a refuse la pension est bien applique, je crois que 
selon sa faQon penser il faudroit etre bon arithmeticien pour calculer 
combien des vers il faudroit pour faire la somme totale de 800 livres 
Sterling. Le Prince de Conti est ici, il travaille avec le Koy, on ne 
doute pas que ce soit sur 1'affaire du Parlament ; et puis, que le 
terns a calme la premiere vivacite, il y a esperance qu'on trouvera 
un accomodement, malgre les efforts du clerge. 

" il ya ici un occuliste qui a trouve une fa9on bien meilleure que 
Tancience a lever les cataractes des yeux, on a propose au Presedent 
Montesquiou, deja borgne et menace de devenir aveugle, de se faire 
lever les cataractes, il a repondu froidement, que la vue est une 
affaire de cent pistoles, puisque pour cet argent on peut avoir un 
Lecteur. c'est un philosophe, ce me semble, beaucoup trop philo- 
sophe. pardon, Sire, de mes impertinences, et que j'occupe un moment 
de trop votre terns precieux, employe peutetre dans le moment que 
vous re9evez celle-yi a donner des bonnes loix a vos sujets et un 
exemple au Princes de la terre." 

The Frankfort affair rankled in Frederic's mind. 
In his own handwriting he wrote to the Earl about it, 
August 3rd, 1753. 

"The episode of Voltaire and the Denis should teach you to 
judge no one without hearing them. 

" Voltaire and the Denis have made such a hubbub at Frankfort 
that they drew down upon themselves the ill-treatment on the part 
of Freitag which fell them. Voltaire, armed with a pistol, wished 


to kill the President's secretary, and the Denis desired to invoke 
Imperial authority against the arrest which I had placed on the 
person of Voltaire. All these details have reached me since I wrote 
to you. If, however, Freitag had been less judicial in this affair, 
and if he had had the sense to understand that he had to do with 
a pair of lunatics, he would not have acted as drastically as he did. 
The worst for him is that he writes as ill as the poet writes well, 
and that the Lady Denis can exhibit to her crowd of lovers in 
Paris the efforts she made to protect her honour exposed to the 
audacious attack of M. d'Arnaud. As for me, I am very glad that 
the whole business is ended ; I will not be caught again. Good-bye, 
my dear milord ; I am always your faithful friend, FEDERIC." 

"August 10th, 1735. 

" I hope, my dear milord, that this is the last we shall hear of the 
mad poet and his Medea. I forgive him his malice and his frauds, 
and satires and calumnies ; plenary absolution for all past sins, aa 
in the Holy Year ! I wish he had never shot his jeers at anyone 
but me ; I would never have turned him out ; but the infamous way 
in which he treated Maupertuis is inexcusable. However, it is an 
affair I regard as ended. 

" We enjoy a profound peace here, in spite of all the camps they 
pitch right and left of our frontiers ; we shall go into camp also, but 
on the 12th of September we shall return to winter quarters. 

" Many foreigners come here, whom frankly I could dispense with. 
I should be very glad to see the French, whom I am told are coming ; 
but, unfortunately, the whole of Europe is the confidante of their 
secrets. Good-bye, my dear milord ; do not go into camp, keep out 

of affairs with poets, and quarrels with ; it is the only way to 

live happily in this world. FREDERIC." 

To return to Jacobite doings ; Pickle the spy was 
active. He came to Paris from Lige, where he left the 
Prince, with Miss Walkinshaw, and noticed the latter's 
condition. At Paris he " kept himself as private as 
he could, went to no where but to Lord Marischall's." 
The Earl had returned to Graeme a paper containing 
the list of English Jacobites, reported Pickle, " declar- 
ing that he would not meddle, whatever his brother 
might do/' 


In September, Goring being ill, Charles communicated 
with the Earl through one Beson. 

" Y' 5th September, 1753. 

" I have heard with concern the illness of Mr. Goring, which has 
obliged him to quit Paris for some time, that has engaged me to 
send you Beson (he is a little man, that you have seen already) ; he 
can safely conduct to me any person you might think proper to 
send me. Iff y* person I expect is not yet come to you, or that 
you have nothing at present to communicate to me, Beson will 
leave you his address, which will be the readiest way of coming at 
me. I hope, dear friend, you are persuaded of my way of thinking, 
and how glad I should be to have an occasion of proving it to you 
effectually. Remaining your sincere friend. My health is perfect. 

" C. P." 

In August Frederic was amused by an enigmatical 
report of Milord. "The Ambassador of Spain in 
England informs M. de So to Major by the latest letters 
as follows, with reference to the prizes " (the money 
due for damage by privateers) : " Give my compli- 
ments to the old Valentian ; his business will be settled 
to his satisfaction, as the uncle is not inclined to go to 

Thus Frederic's bone of contention with England 
was removed. Yet the Duke of Newcastle wrote the 
following month to the Lord Chancellor, in the most 
unqualified manner, that the cause of the Stuarts 
found its chief, if not its only support in the King of 
Prussia. But, from Frederic's letters to the Earl 
Marischall, it would appear that there is no warrant for 
believing that he ever seriously contemplated active 
measures on behalf of Charles Edward; a letter of 
Albemarle to Holdernesse, however, shows that England 
knew all about the coqueting with Dawkins. 

In January 1754 Lord Albemarle even took the pains 


to forward a list of persons who had visited the Prussian 
Minister from December 18th to January llth. 

That Frederic was entirely pleased with the Earl 
MarischalFs conduct of affairs at Paris, his letter to 
Baron Kniphausen, his Councillor of Legation there, 
abundantly testifies: 

" POTSDAM, December 8th. 

" Although I have every reason to be extremely satisfied with 
the zeal and application which Milord Marechal puts into everything 
which concerns my service and the important affairs he is instructed 
with, so that I have nothing to wish for on that score ; nevertheless, 
having been used formerly to have regularly news of what was going 
on at the French Court, and done there, anecdotes and details, he 
wished Kniphausen to send such under cypher, which Milord 
Marechal had with him." 

Frederic entrusted to the Earl the beginning of the 
convention with Russia through the Empress's Minister 
at Paris. But the negotiations were protracted till 
1755, and the ink hardly dry ere the treaty was torn up. 

Lord Elclio, the old Earl's young friend at Venice, 
was frequently his guest at Paris. He noted that His 
Excellency entertained the envoys of Spain, Vienna, 
and Wurtemberg. On Tuesdays the Corps Diplomatique, 
headed by the Nuncio, is summoned to Versailles. On 
one occasion Milord selected Elcho to accompany him. 
They waited in the Salle des Ambassadeurs till the 
moment arrived to witness the conclusion of the King's 
toilet. After that, they passed on to pay their respects 
to the Queen, and then called on all the Princes. 
Finally, the Ambassadors went to the salon of the 
Pompadour, but the Nuncio withdrew on the 

The Earl Marischall never lost his love of Spain. Many 
years later he wrote to Voltaire how, when one day 
they were talking at Sans Souci of the so-called miracles, 


worked by the Very Christian Kings, he, the Earl, 
recounted that during his mission to France he saw 
some foreigners who appeared to him to be Spaniards 

" That from his love for that nation, where he had spent a part 
of his life, he asked them why they had come to Paris, and that one 
had replied : ' We know, Monsieur, that the King of France has the 
gift of curing sores ; we have come to have ourselves touched by 
His Majesty ; but, for our misfortune, we have learnt that he is 
actually in mortal sin, and we are obliged to retrace our steps 
unsatisfied.' ' This was Louis XV,' added the Earl ; ' as for Louis XVI, 
it is maintained that never in his life did he commit mortal sin, 
which should cheer the patients who have been touched by him.' " 

By the beginning of 1754 the Earl Marischall had 
made up his mind to retire from his post at Paris. His 
health was failing. His master, as we have seen, was 
well satisfied with him. His sound common sense and 
sterling honesty are echoed in all his despatches, into 
which he also put a little of the Attic salt of his caustic 
wit which was so much after Frederic's heart. In 
fact, a few months after his departure from Paris we 
find the King writing to Kniphausen, who succeeded him, 
that the latter 's reports were not so " interesting since 
Milord left," that he was " not edified/' and desired 
" no journalist " merely. 

An Ambassador has been defined as an honest man 
sent abroad to lie for his country. Diplomacy was really 
against the grain with the honest Earl Marischall. " For 
that trade/' he said, " one must have more finesse 
than I have, or than I care to have." It was not in 
him to play le faux bon homme, as Talleyrand said of the 
Due de Choiseul. 

Prussian foreign affairs, moreover, were becoming 
very involved. The Powers of Europe were gradually 
coalescing " to clip the wings of Frederic/' so much 


did they dread the conqueror of Silesia. The situation 
was delicate for his envoy at the French Court, for the 
Pompadour was implacable towards the monarch who 
had insulted her. Much tact was required, and the 
Earl Marischall was hardly the right man for the post, 
nor did he wish to hold it any longer. 

In his heart Frederic was rejoicing at the thought 
of the return of his old friend and companion. 

" I confess, my dear Milord, that I experience a secret joy at 
seeing you again ; for greater safety, your brother will send you an 
itinerary which I think you can prudently profit by. They say that 
the Captan [George II] will not honour his beloved people by his 
presence this year ; in which we can understand each other on 
your departure. 

" We have a crowd of English here, but I do not see any of the 
seed of Chesterfield or Bolingbroke among them ; they lodge at 
M. Cari's, and they go to Henouver" 

A report was current that Voltaire had died, and 
Frederic adds an epitaph he had indited : 

" The lunatic said he was dead, and had it given out in the news- 
papers ; this brought upon him the skit which I send to amuse 
you : 

" * Cit-git le seigneur Arouet, 
Qui de friponner eut manie ; 
Ce bel esprit tou jours adroit 
N'oublia pas son int4ret 
En passant meme dans 1'autre vie : 
Lorsqu'il vit le sombre Acheron, 
II chicana le prix du passage de 1'onde 
Si bien que le brutal Charon 
D'un coup de pied au ventre appliqu6 sans fa9on 
Nous 1'a renvoy6 dans ce monde.' 

" Woe to the author of the epigram if the author finds him out ; 
he will make some more Akakias. But the epigram runs no risk in 
your hands. Good-bye, my dear my lord ; I embrace you with all 
my heart, wishing you health, prosperity, and life. FR." 


Marshal James Keith wrote to his brother the same 
day : 

" I'm glad my dearest brother says nothing of his health in the 
letter I have just now received of the 27th of December, for Count 
Podevils had alarmed me a good deal by telling me that you had 
been obliged more than once to send Mr. Kniphausen in your place 
to Versailles on occasion of incommodity's, and though I hope you 
wou'd not disguise to me the state of your health, and that therefore 
your silence on this subject has made me more easy, yet a con- 
versation I had some days ago with the King gives me still reason 
to suspect that it is not so good as I ought to wish for. He told me 
that for sometime past you had solicited him to allow you to retire 
from the service he had employed you in, and at your earnest 
desire he had granted your request, but at the same time had 
acquainted you how absolutely necessary it was for his interest that 
you should continue at the same post till the end of harvest, by 
which time he must think of some other to replace you. He asked 
me at the same time if your intention was to retire here ; to which 
I answer'd him that I was persuaded it was, tho' I said this without 
any authority from you, yet when I consider the King's generosity in 
giving you a pension, without any advances on your side, and the 
esteem you have gained with everyone here, which wou'd enduce 
you rather to retire here than to any other place, I hope I have 
advanced nothing but what must be agreeable to your intentions ; 
he told me that in that case he thought you shou'd keep the time 
of your journey and route as private as possible, and that, after 
taking leave of the Court of France, you should give it out that 
your health required your going for some time to the south of 
France, that it was easy on the way to take a cross-road to Strasburg 
and Francfort, and, after passing the Hessian dominions, to turn 
into Saxony by which you wou'd evite all the Hannoverian territories 
and arrive safely here. Everything he said was more like a friend 
than a souvreign, and showed a real tenderness for your preservation, 
and I do assure you without flattering you that you have gained the 
general good will and friendship of everybody that is valuable here. 
Though I write all this to you without any cypher, Count Podevils 
assures me there is no danger of its being known, as the latter goes by 
a particular conveyance." 



Marischall replied to his brother that the King had 
given him leave to retire, and that he would like to live 
in Berlin, but feared the climate was too cold. 

The reason why Frederic did not wish him to return 
direct to Berlin was that, although England and Prussia 
were now friendly, the former was at odds with France 
over Dunkirk, East India, and North America ; he 
might be caught, and a roundabout journey would be 

"POTSDAM, February 8th, 1754. 

" You do me wrong, dear Milord, if you think I take you for a 
dotard : I think you a very amusing man, and that, disgusted as 
you are with your job, you pine for your freedom. These feelings 
are so natural to man that I cannot blame you about it ; if I also 
were master of my actions, as you are of yours, I should have taken 
such a step a long time ago ; but in my trade one is condemned to 
bear the yoke all one's life. One rages against the indifference 
of the philosophical mind which have caused some princes to quit 
the throne, and one blames the ambition of those who desire to 
augment their power ; so there is no happy medium of satisfying 
public opinion, and, certain of being blamed whatever we do, we 
still have to lay ourselves open to public censure, even when we 
feel our mood or strength dwindle. There are no happy people in 
this world, believe me, except those who have been wise enough to 
renounce all ambition from their youth up, and whose names are 
unknown to public malice and those who know how to conceal them- 
selves from it. Life is so short that it would be best to live only for 
oneself, and not for the ungrateful people who do not take your 
toil into account, and who bitterly criticize your actions. 

" You will find my letter somewhat too stoical in taste, but be 
assured that these are my real feelings. When one has long inti- 
mately known the aims of public cupidity, their charms vanish, 
and one is soon disillusioned of the chimerical value with which 
the vulgar endow them. That does not prevent me from doing 
the duty my business demands of me, but I assure you that I do it 
often swearing against my fate because it has not placed me in a 
position to lead a more agreeable life. 

" We have not indeed here any worries over priests or obstinate 
parliaments, but another kind of anxiety replaces it. You will 


probably send me back the Ode of Horace to his gardener, and you 
will be right ; one must try and be happy where one is, and not 
seek for perfect happiness in this life ; to bear trouble, when it comes, 
and the day of pleasure when we can catch it. I wish you much 
of it, my dear Milord, and I beg you to rest assured that no one 
sympathizes more over any luck that befalls you than your faithful 
friend, FEDERIC." 

"POTSDAM, February VAih, 1754. 

"Your criticisms about the epigram are. very true, my dear 
milord ; but, though I give way to Voltaire as a poet, I should be 
very sorry to be compared to him in character, and certainly it 
would never be my conceit to attack those sort of serpents in their 
lair. I already love sunshine and spring very much, and you will make 
them all the pleasant er to me, as you lead me to hope that, with the 
birth of the flowers and the arrival of the swallows, I may have the 
pleasure of seeing you again. 

" I beg you, my dear my lord, to get a very good cook for me, 
who has a refined taste and knows how to make those light and 
delicate sauces which are the fashion at present. If luck should 
enable you to find ability united with wisdom, it would be all the 
better, but I feel that it is too much to ask of people in that pro- 
fession and that one must be satisfied with refined taste. Good-bye, 
my dear my lord ; I am ashamed of the commission I give you ; 
I count somewhat upon your friendship, and perhaps you may say 
to me : treat me a little more like a stranger and bother me less. 




MEANWHILE Marischall was also, but less agreeably, 
in demand with Charles Edward. 

Pickle wrote to a friend in London about going to 
Paris to extract from the Earl information the Prince 

" LONDON, February 25th, 1754. 

" I am desired by Monsieur St. Sebastian [young Pretender] to 
go straight to Venice [Lord Marischall] to settle for the summer 
everything in relation to his amours with Mrs. Strange [the Highlands] 
. . . that he is to meet me on my return from Venice in Imperial 
Flanders. . . . Everything lays now upon the carpet, and, if I go 
privately to Venice, I will be at the bottom of the most minute 
transactions, and without going to Venice I can do little or nothing." 
He asks for money, " and if I am surployed here, without which I 
can dow (sic) nothing, I am certain to learn what can't be obtained 
thro' any other Channel." 

Charles, come to Paris, frequented low society, and 
he and Miss Walkinshaw, living a cat-and-dog life, had 
been seen quarrelling at a cabaret. The scene was 
reported to the Earl Marischall by an eye-witness, and, 
two days later, Goring, the last decent man to stand 
by Charles, confirmed it. The Marischall was disgusted. 
He must have congratulated himself that, in leaving 
Paris, he would be quit of the Prince and his crew, and 
out of the cesspool of intrigue. 



Prom a portrait by Placido Costanzi, in the National Portrait Gallery. 
From a photograph by Emery Walker, Ltd. 

I. 292] 


Charles was indignant with Goring for reporting him 
to the Earl, Goring became alienated from the Prince 
for good, and the latter invited the Earl to communicate 
with him through a fresh channel. He received a cold 

" I have the honor of yours and am sorry you find the place 
of your residence inconvenient. Where to advise you to retire 
from the pursuit of your creditors I am at a loss. I told you already 
in general the places seemed safest, which is the chief point ; but 
to fix a particular place is more than I dare venture ; and I must 
here even demand, that, when you have chosen one yourself, it 
may be from me a secret and this, from several reasons, I flatter 
myself you will find just. It is of no use I should know it, it being 
enough I know how to address you if any friend should address 
himself to me. I am in constant apprehension of your being dis- 
covered by accidents, by the remarkable equ [part of word torn 
away in the original] have with you by the different persons in the 
secret. There is a certain person who may ask me if I know where 
you are to whom I am partly under an engagement to tell the truth, 
and to whom I am particularly unwilling to lye : therefore allow me 
again to entreat that I may know nothing of your abode. As to 
the place you now propose, I had the honor to tell you sometime 
since that I do not think you can be concealed in this country ; 
besides that, I think (if I have been well informed) you lye under 
a certain promise which nothing but absolute necessity can dis- 
engage you from, tho' I am not quite persuaded but your stay would 
be winkt at. I shall make no excuse for so much perplexity as 
appears in what I say. If I knew an advice which I thought safe 
and good I would plainly tell and offer it. I beg leave also to 
differ as to the source of your intelligence. This place can be at 
most the canal or passage, and you found elsewhere a sure con- 
veyance. I ask pardon for this scrawl, and am sorry I cannot give 
better advice, being ever faithfully yours. 

(Not signed.) 
" April 15^, 1754." 

From a draught in Charles's hand, written at the 
bottom of the foregoing letter ; 


" 7- 9th May, 1754. 

" L. M. SIR, I received yours of the 15th April, in answer to my 
last, and, as I do not care to ask a meeting with you without that 
you or I thought it absolutely necessary, I chuse to send it in writing 
by Doson. What is your opinion about Lord Chesterfield ? He 
is a clever man. His reputation is such, the point is, has he any 
connection with you, or with some one you know of, think you ? 
I can venture to apply to him, I mean only for myself : my rule 
is never to risk any body without their consent, and myself neither, 
unless of necessity. I think that, without risk, it is an impossibility 
to compass the least thing, much less greater. I remain your 
sincere friend. 

" Be pleased to burn this as soon as read, and give an answer or a 
meeting, if you think it necessary, by the Bearer." 

The English Jacobites, scandalized by Charles 
Edward's degradation, sent a deputation headed by 
Macnamara to remonstrate with him, and to persuade 
him to give up his mode of life in general and Clementina 
Walkinshaw in particular. Charles not only refused to 
listen to him, but, worst of all, threatened to publish 
the names of his English adherents. These had given 
him a pension of 5,000 a year, Dawkins contributing 
one-fifth. But the pension was now withdrawn, 
as Charles refused to give up his mistress. It was not 
only on account of Charles's immoral life that these 
acted thus. It was in self-preservation. For Clemen- 
tina Walkinshaw had a sister in the household of the 
Princess of Wales at Leicester House, and they surmised 
that through her the secrets of the party might filter 
through to the Government. 

Dr. King, an influential member of the English 
Jacobite party, gives an account of Macnamara's 
embassy, and of how his non-compliance with their 
demand led to the ruin of his cause. 

" During this transaction my Lord M was in Paris in quality 

of the envoy of the K of P . McNamara had directions to 


acquaint him with his commission : my Lord M , not in the 

least doubting the Prince's compliance with the request of his friends 
in England, determined to quit the K. of P.'s service as soon as his 
embassy finished and go into the Prince's family. This would have 
been a fortunate circumstance for the Prince on all accounts, but 
more especially as nothing could be more agreeable to all those 
persons of figure and distinction who were at that time so deeply 
engaged in his cause ; for there was not one of their number who 
would not have reposed an entire confidence in the honour and 

discretion of my Lord M . But how was this gentleman amazed 

when he perceived the Prince's obstinacy and imprudence ? who was 
resolved by a stiange fatality to alienate the affection of his best 
friends and put an absolute barrier to all his own hopes. From 

this time my Lord M would never concern himself in this cause, 

but prudently embraced the opportunity, through the K. of P.'s 
interest, of reconciling himself to the English government." 

Marischall, hearing from Cluny the Prince's treatment 
of Macnamara, was further indignant with Charles for 
his conduct towards Goring. He wrote, rebuking him 
sternly, the touching letter of a faithful old servant. 

" PARIS, May 18th, 1754. 

" SIR, 

" I am honoured with yours, in which he bade me name any 
person for carrying of your letters, except Mr. Goring or Mr. Doson ; 
it is what I shall never take upon me, that I may not expose you 
to the danger of trusting new folks. Mr. Goring is known for a 
man of honor. I must beg your pardon in what you [say] of his 
abusing of your situation. Had it been as happy as he has ven- 
tured life to make it, he neither would nor should have thought him- 
self under any obligation to suffer the usage he has met with in 
return for the truth and fidelity with which he has served you. The 
fidelity of both the persons to whom you make exception is, without 
dispute, by the plain proof of so long and so extraordinary conceal- 
ment of your person. 

" My health and my heart are broke by age and crosses. I resolved 
to retire from the world and from all affairs. I never could be of 
use to you, but in so far as I was directed by some few honourable 
persons, deservedly respected by all who know them : the manner in 
which you received lately a message from them, full of zeal for your 


interest and affection for your person, has, I fear, put an end to that 
correspondence, and, after your threatening to publish their names, 
from no other provocation than their representing to you what 
they judge for your true interest (and of which they are without 
doubt the best judges) can I expose any who may trust me with 
their confidence to such hazard. I appeal to your own conscience 
(and I may to the world) if I can. I here take leave of politicks, 
praying God he may open your eyes to your true interest, and give 
you as honest advisers, and better received, than those you had lately, 
and who are the only with whom I could serve you." 

' Douglas's " letter was not in the least touching; 
but then Charles was now an impossible and hopeless 

" Y* l&th May, 1754, L.M . 
" SIR, 

" You are the only friend that I know of this side the water. 
My misfortunes are so great that they render me really quite in- 
capable of supporting the impertinencies of low people. However, 
I am so much a countryman to lay side any personal piques pro 
rcm, and I do not think a Prince can (he I am persuaded, will be 
able to show himself in his true light one day). My heart is broke 
enough without that you should finish it, your expressions are 
so strong without knowing where. I am obliged here to let you 
see clear, at least in one article. Any one whosoever has told you I gave 
such a message to Ed as you mention, has told you a damned lie (God 
forgive them). I would not do the least hurt to my greatest enemy 
(were lie in my power), much less to any one that professes to be 
mine. I have the honour to be for ever yours, 


" P.S. I send you this by L d Welch, and have told him I did 
not know whether you would answer me, as you never writ me a 
line since at Paris. So that you can answer by what canal you 

The Earl never forgave Charles for throwing over 
Goring, " and warned the party against being concerned 
with him." 

As for thatpoor shipwrecked adherent the kind-hearted 


Marischall found a commission for him as Major in the 
Prussian service, in which he died the following year. 
Frederic's correspondence with Milord now took a 
philosophic turn. 

" March IQth, 1754. 

" I did not expect, my dear my lord, that it would be a philo- 
sopher who would give me lessons in ambition, I believe we agree 
about the fundamentals of the thing, and it is only the terms which 
divide us. By ambition I understand a violent desire to agrandize 
oneself, to shine, to make a show and to acquire a reputation, and 
such a feeling of the mind I reprove as vicious, and without a 
virtuous aim ; but, in giving up this passion, dangerous to others 
and to those who are obsessed by it, I am not of the same opinion 
about emulation, which is a lively desire to acquit oneself of one's duties 
better than others and to surpass them in virtue. It is emulation 
which, without causing jealousy, spurs on the soul, extricates itself 
from its inaction and its indolence and caused the Prince of Conds 
to carry out the campaign of Franche Comte in order to surpase 
that which Turenne had done in Holland in 1672. I think a man 
retired from the world may even be sensible of the spur ; it is, in 
short, the most noble incentive of all our actions. 

" As for mine, my dear my lord, they do not merit the praise your 
friendship bestows on them. We kings are looked upon as children, 
whose prattle is admired as a sort of effort they make at their age ; 
people are so surprised when we are neither stupid nor mad, that 
they are pleased with our smallest sensible actions. If you except 
a few rulers, it is only the founders of empires who have really been 
men ; nonchallence and weakness seem to have been the failings of 
all their successors, and I think their condemnable indolence may 
be attributed to the bad education generally given to the sons of 
rulers ; they are brought up to obey and not to command. After 
all, my dear mylord, this need not concern you or me either. I 
hope your health may be good during this bad weather. I do not 
give up the pleasure of seeing you again, assuring you that no one 
esteems or considers you more than myself. 


" April 21st, 1754. 

" You laugh at me, my dear mylord, at my definitions, my dis- 
tinctions, and my philosophy, and you are not wrong ; in the main 


we are agreed, only words deceive us by the wider or more limited 
meaning which we attach to them, and, really, most arguments 
mostly concern words. Locke and Leibnitz felt that so much that 
they began by denning the sense and the ideas which they attached 
to words, before useing them ; as for me, who am only a fool in 
comparison with these folk, I sometimes ape them, and I end by 
being a poor simpleton. . . . Wishing you, my dear mylord, better 
weather at Paris than we have here, good health, and especially 
happiness, and assuring you that I take more interest in your 
happiness than anyone. FEDERIC." 

" May 21st, 1754. 

" You shall be obeyed, my dear milord, you shall receive what 
you ask me for ; I must not deny that the hope of seeing you has 
caused me to hasten the completion of what you will receive at once. 
I am now in the midst of military convulsion. ..." 

The next letters show the Earl Marischall as Frederic's 
almoner, which he often was, and likewise throw a 
light on his own kindness of heart, and appreciation of 
merit, which justified the confidence the King reposed 
in him. 

" May 1754. 

" You will be aware that there is a man at Paris of the highest 
merit, who does not enjoy the advantages of Fortune in proportion 
to his talents and his character. I could act as eyes to the blind 
goddess, and make amends for at least some of her faults. I beg 
you to offer, in consideration of this, a pension of twelve hundred 
pounds to M. d'Alembert ; it is little compared to his deserts, but 
I hope he will accept it on account of the pleasure that I shall have 
in obliging a man who combines goodness of character to the highest 
talents of the mind. You, who think so rightly, you will share 
with me, my dear mylord, the satisfaction of having placed one 
of the finest geniuses in France in easier circumstances. I hope to 
see M. d'Alembert here ; he has promised to do me this favour, 
directly that he has finished his encyclopaedia. As for you, my dear 
Mylord, I do not know when I shall see you again, but rest assured 
it will be always too late considering the esteem and friendship that 
I have for you." 


" POTSDAM, May 2Sth, 1754. 

" I reckon that you have received all my letters by now, those 
about d'Alembert as about other matters you have so much at 
heart ; I have only served you too well, my dear mylord, and I feel 
that politics owe a grudge to friendship because the latter has 
worked to the prejudice of the former ; but you beguiled me, and 
the pleasure of seeing you again made me overlook more essential 
considerations. Good-bye, my dear mylord ; I do not think that 
I shall be able to write to you till the end of the month, but yet my 
silence will diminish naught of the friendship and esteem which I 
have for you, of which I beg you to be convinced. FR." 

But politics were not altogether forgotten. For the 
King Used Marischall as the means by which to imbue 
the French Court with his own suspicions of Saxony 
and Wurtemburg, and of thus proving his own sincerity 
towards her. And when the Earl reported on possible 
suppressions of the Protestants in the Cevennes, the 
King replied that it would be very annoying and em- 
barrassing for France, and that the Earl was particu- 
larly to notice if there were any disturbances there and 
to warn him. 

In June, Frederic made a little jaunt, of six days 
only, in the midst of all his anxieties and secret pre- 
parations for the war which was inevitable, to Baireuth. 
It was his farewell visit to his favourite sister, whose 
failing health filled him with foreboding. On his return 
he wrote at once to Milord. 

" POTSDAM, June 25th, 1754. 

" A little trip I made to Baireuth has interrupted our correspond- 
ence by two days post. I found here, on my return, three of your 
letters. You scold me a little in the first, in the second you acknow- 
ledge the receipt of my letter, and in the third you inform me that 
you are getting ready to start. I cannot conceal from you that I 
am very glad, and that I am delighted to see once more a man 
whose acquaintance I have made a little since he has been in Paris. 
Your brother has had a slight attack of his old complaint, but it 


passed away pretty well. At this moment, my dear mylord, I am 
permitting myself some repose after all the journeyings I have 
made, far from all literary quarrels, the eloquent abuse, and all the 
uproar of Parnassus. Algarotti has escaped on the other side ; he 
is getting married at Venice, and he wishes to set up house there. 
All these people talk about feelings without having any, all are jays 
decked in peacock's feathers, who, by dint of unfolding their tails, 
are convinced that it is their own plumage. I fear d'Alembert will 
not take the bait [the pension] ; they say that he is such a philo- 
sopher that nothing less than a persecution on the part of the priests 
would make him leave his native land, however ungrateful she may 
be towards him. Germany has glorified France by means of an 
illustrious bastard who saved her in this last war ; it would be right 
that France glorified Germanic Parnassus by another bastard who 
in his way would do as much honour as the Comte de Saxe did the 
French. But these sort of exchanges are not made to order, and 
luck has more part in them than choice. Good-bye, my dear mylord ; 
be sure that you will be received here with open arms ; I embrace 
you a thousand times beforehand. 


But the Earl MarischalFs hopes of seeing his friend the 
King again immediately, and of living at Berlin in his 
retirement, were doomed to be frustrated. For Frederic 
appointed him Governor of his principality of Neuchatel 
in Switzerland, and ordered him to go there direct 
from Paris. 

The Earl Marischall accepted the appointment, 
" hoping/' he wrote, " to extract the little good that 
was to be done in such a small job/' for his master. 


A.D. 1 TO 1754 

THE little principality over which the Earl Marischall 
was called by Frederic to rule as governor lay between 
the Jura and the Alps, on the west of the lake from 
which it derived its name. 

Neuchatel, however, was no mere Swiss canton which 
had accrued to Prussia. It boasted seven hundred 
years of independent history, was deeply imbued with 
patriotism, with a love of liberty in advance of its 
times, and had always clung tenaciously to its 
traditions of privilege. 

The earliest-known inhabitants were the Lacustrians, 
of Asiatic origin, the relics of whose huts on piles have 
been discovered in the shallower waters of the lake. 
These were succeeded by the Helvetii, Celts, who have 
left traces of their language in the local patois. 

These were conquered by Julius Caesar. Four hun- 
dred years of Koman rule transformed the country. 
They pierced it with the Via Etra, to join their Rhenish 
colonies with Italy, and dotted it with towns and villas. 
Tradition attributes the Prison Tower of the castle, 
on the rocky ridge between the river Seyon and the 
Lake, to Csesar, and it certainly contains some Roman 
masonry. The country chateau of the Counts of 
Neuchatel, Colombier, derives its name from Colom- 

The gigantic barbarians from the shores of the Baltic, 
the Burgundians, almost swept away Roman civiliza- 



tion; but, on the ruins of the empire, arose a Gallo- 
Roman nation, and one of the nine counties of Helvetia 
was Pagis Neurolensis, with the town of Noidenolex. 
Then came the conquest of the Franks, and Christianity 
was introduced by the Irish missionary, St. Gall. The 
fall of the empire of Charlemagne evolved the trans- Jura 
Burgundian kingdom under Rudolph. 

His son, Rudolph II, married the daughter of the 
Duke of the neighbouring Allemani. Still in the land 
lingers the memory of the "good Queen Bertha," riding 
about the country, distaff in hand, assuaging the woes 
of her people, sorely harassed by invasions from east 
and south, of Magyar and of Saracen, while she herself 
was driven to take refuge in the strong castle which had 
arisen round the Prison Tower. Queen Bertha built 
the adjacent church of Notre Dame. 

Bertha's grandson, Rudolph III, the last of the 
Burgundian kings, bequeathed his rights to his nephew, 
the Emperor Conrad. Twice the latter besieged Neu- 
chatel and burnt it because it took part against him 
with Otho, Count of Champagne. 

Conrad bestowed the fief of Neuchatel, as a reward for 
service in this war, on Ulrich de Fenis, a lord of the 
kingdom of Aries, and for three hundred years the de 
Fenis ruled and the country improved. The high 
Jura became inhabited, but the population was essen- 
tially of the peasant class, and there were few nobles 
or vassals. 

Ulrich II, the first Count of Neuchatel to reside there, 
was, for his day, an enlightened ruler. Not only did 
he free the inhabitants of the town which had grown 
up round the castle, but in 1214 he bestowed upon them 
a Charter, which was a civil, political, and penal code, 
and protected civil rights. One year anterior to the 
Magna Charta of England, it was 


" One of the widest and most liberal charters of the day, the 
starting-point of our communal rights," writes Godet, "and the 
basis of the constitutional freedom of the bourgeois of Neuchatel ; 
it is a radiant sunbeam in the dark sky of the thirteenth century. 
Among the earliest in the world, our little country received in its 
bosom that seed of liberty which quickly sprang up, flourished, and 

Twice was Neuchatel besieged in vain by Rudolph 
of Habsburg. In revenge, when elected Emperor, he 
gave the fief to John of Burgundy-Chalons. To protect 
himself, Count Rudolph V, now the latter's vassal, made 
an alliance of co -citizenship with Friburg, Bern, and 
Soleure, the first of the alliances between the little 
Swiss Republics. 

The Counts of Neuchatel occasionally went a-crusad- 
ing, like the other European rulers ; but Count Louis 
was a warrior indeed, the Cceur de Lion of Neuchatel. 
Under him the Neuchatelois developed military renown, 
fighting for Philip of Valois against Edward III at 
Crecy, and for the Viscontis in Lombardy. At home 
he set up an ordnance foundry, and added to the castle, 
encouraged handicrafts and agriculture, and every 
year held assembly of the three Estates, nobles, vassals, 
and canons of the Church, in the castle. In 1349 the 
plague carried off a third of the inhabitants. 

He was succeeded by his daughter Isabel. In her 
time English bands from Picardy invaded Neuchatel, 
but were repelled. She was the last of a line which had 
ruled for eleven generations, and her nephew, Conrad of 
Hochberg, succeeded her. He, too, went a-crusading. 
John, his son, had been taken prisoner by the French 
when fighting for the Duke of Burgundy. Neuchatel 
paid his ransom, and on his accession he hastened to take 
the customary oath to maintain the rights and liberties 
of the citizens. 


From Count John's time onward Neuchatel may 
be said to consist of the same area as the present 
canton. He was a sportsman; he began a library 
of manuscripts at the castle ; he entertained Pope 
Felix there, in 1440. Ten years later was the Great 
Fire of Neuchatel ; all the public buildings and archives 
of the chapter, part of the castle and of the church, 
perished ; only thirteen houses were left intact. 

The charter conferred by Count John, in 1454, was 
even more liberal than that of Ulrich II. By it all 
citizens in town or country were formed into one political 
body, under the Quatre Ministraux, one of whom, the 
Maire, elected by the citizens, became the real head of 
the community. The republican tendency of the 
country grew more marked, and the spread of trade and 
handicrafts added to the prosperity, not only of the 
townsfolk, but also of the mountaineers. 

Count John was succeeded by his nephew, Rudolph, 
Margrave of Hochberg, under whom Neuchatel fell on 
troubled times. The Swiss defeated Charles the Bold, 
Duke of Burgundy, at Granson and Morat. Philip, 
Rudolph's heir, was taken prisoner at the battle of 
Nancy, where Charles fell. Having married Marie of 
Savoy, the niece of the French King, Philip led his 
Neuchatelois in the Suabian War, and in the wars of 
Louis XI and Charles VIII against his liege lord, the 
Emperor Maximilian. 

In his time the General Audiences gave place to an 
assembly composed of twelve members four ecclesias- 
tics, four nobles, and four citizens which exercised 
supreme power in the State. One of Philip's last acts 
was an alliance with a fourth canton, Lucerne. 

His only child, Jeanne, succeeded him. She married 
Louis, Due d'Orleans-Longueville, and went with him 
to live at the Court of France. Louis was hostile to 


the Swiss, and fought against his wife's subjects. He 
farmed her dominions out to the town of Neuchatel ; 
the confederated cantons took possession of the county 
and made it a general bailliwick of Switzerland. It 
was well managed ; privileges were increased ; the 
land divided into communes ; the villages were given 
grants of woods and pastures, and there was real progress 
in social life. 

Under Swiss rule Neuchatel was happier and freer 
than it had ever been before. 

Francis I, on the conclusion of peace, was able to bring 
about the restitution of Neuchatel to its Countess. 
She appointed a governor, and retired herself to her 
favourite residence, Egoisse in Burgundy. Her finances, 
however, were in great disorder ; she had been weak 
and extravagant, and found herself obliged again to 
mortgage her dominions, this time to the town of 
Neuchatel for nine years. 

It was in Countess Jeanne's time that the Reforma- 
tion came to Neuchatel. It came hot and strong, 
iconoclastic and bigoted, preached by one William 
Farel, flying from Dauphine, persecuted by Francis I. 
He began at Verrieres, and then came into the streets 
at Neuchatel. On October 23rd, 1530, the people, 
inflamed by his eloquence, dragged him up the hill to 
Notre Dame by the castle, broke open the doors, mal- 
treated the priests, tore down the altars, and threw the 
images into the gorge of the Seyon below. 

The memory of that event has been perpetuated by 
an inscription on the left of the communion-table : 
" In the year 1530, on the 23rd of October, the idolatry 
of the mass was abolished by the citizens/' 

The majority of the latter, in assembly, pronounced 
for the reformed faith. Five years later, Verrieres church 
possessed the first Protestant Bible in French. 


Valangin, however, and the villages and the nobles, 
long adhered to Catholicism. At Valangin, Farel, 
attempting to preach, was beaten and put into prison. 
But his zeal and his energy were indefatigable, and the 
Reformation spread. He was appointed pasteur of 
the collegiate church at Neuchatel, and preached under 
the lime-trees by the western door, where the mediaeval 
counts had been wont to administer justice. In fact, 
his zeal outran his discretion, and Calvin hurried from 
Geneva to soothe wounded susceptibilities. But then 
came the plague, and FareFs exertions during that time 
of trial confirmed the establishment of his doctrines over 
the land. Neuchatel even went so far as to send a 
strong contingent to aid the Genevese against the 
persecuting Duke of Savoy. 

Jeanne's memory long lingered in the land. She had 
a kind heart, and wrote of " my good children, my 
children of Neuchatel," begging them to remember 
their mother, and sent messages to the communes. 
The people loved her, and two centuries later spoke of 
the good times of the Countess Jeanne. " But the 
good lady," writes Chancellor Montmollin, the historian 
of Neuchatel, " was not in her place. She would have 
made an honest and amiable bourgeoise, but, lacking the 
talents and the qualities to rule a State, was by weakness 
and kindness a foolish ruler." 

Jeanne's grandson and successor died young. His 
cousin, Leonor d'Orleans, was confronted by two rivals : 
Marie of Lorraine, mother of the late Count and also 
of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scotland, and the Duke of 
Nemours, a third grandson of Jeanne. 

The three Estates having pronounced in favour of the 
latter, Leonor appealed to the General Audiences. The 
latter wished to divide the county. It was the first 
instance of a sentence passed by the Estates of the 


country upon a question of sovereignty. Bern was 
appealed to, and decided for Leonor. 

The latter went fighting in France, leaving his wife, 
Marie de Bourbon, as regent at Neuchatel. She con- 
tinued for twenty- eight years to act also for her son, 
Henry I, and her grandson, Henry II, and was able to 
acquire for the former the lordship of Yalangin by 
liquidating the debts of its late ruler. She was a clever 
woman, an ally of Bern and Lucerne, and set the finances 
in order and paid the debts of the State. Though she 
attempted to curb the power of the Four Ministraux, 
Marie was kind and firm, the best of the six women 
rulers of Neuchatel. 

Henry II, a keen soldier like his father, fought for 
France in the Wars of the Keligion on the Protestant 
side. The Duke of Guise's invasion of Neuchatel was 
partly frustrated by the Doubs in flood, and the great 
Conde sent his thanks to the Burgomeister of Neu- 

In 1598, for the first time, the name of Neuchatel 
appeared in a European treaty, that of Vervins, and 
the recognition of its independence and sovereignty 
caused great joy among the Neuchatelois. 

At Marie de Bourbon's death, his mother, Catherine 
of Gonzaga, acted as Regent for Henry II. When 
Henry IV of France wished to renew alliance with 
Neuchatel the town refused, and Catherine was obliged 
to yield. Further, when Count Henry paid his first 
visit to Neuchatel, there ensued difficulties about the 
reciprocal oaths to be taken by himself and the Four 
Ministraux. The latter wished the county designated 
as tf the republic of Neuchatel " ; Henry stood out 
for " republic under a sovereign/' and refused to swear 
at all. 

A Roman Catholic, he had mass celebrated in the 


castle chapel, and there was further trouble because 
Catherine ordered its bells to be rung at the same time 
that those of the adjacent Collegiate Church were sound- 
ing for the Protestant service. At last, under a threat 
from Bern, Henry was obliged to have a mass without 
bells ringing, in a room in the castle. 

But if he was unpopular with the citizens of the town, 
he was liked by the rest of the county, especially with 
the townsfolk of his recently acquired lordship of 
Valangin, whose liberties he swore to maintain. 

Montmollin was his Chancellor, wise and enlightened. 
Education was encouraged, and schools established all 
over the land. The affairs of religion were regulated 
by the communal Consistories and by the Venerable 
Classe of the pasteurs. The peasants' condition was 
improved, industries multiplied, and an annual meeting 
of the Three Estates was inaugurated, which strength- 
ened the power of the citizens. 

Yet, with all this progress, torture was still applied 
to prisoners, and wizards and witches consigned to the 
stake. In 1619, in one year, thirteen were burnt at 
Colombier and ten at Valangin ! 

Henry II was chosen by the King of France as one 
of his delegates to the congress of Westphalia, and in 
the treaty that was concluded there, and in which he 
supported warmly the cause of the Swiss cantons, he 
was designated as prince and sovereign Count of Neu- 

Of Henry IFs two sons, Louis, who succeeded him, was 
weak-minded, and abdicated on taking orders. Charles 
fought against the Spaniards with the French, and 
was drowned when starting with his Neuchatelois to 
defend Candia against the Turks, at the moment when 
the crown of Poland was being offered him. 

His mother, Anne de Bourbon, as regent, continued 


to govern for the Abbe-Count Louis. But their half- 
sister, the Duchesse de Nemours, claimed the succession. 
Louis XIV interposed to avert civil war. At Anne's 
death the Duchesse acted a while as regent, followed by 
the Prince of Conde, Anne's brother. Montmollin was 
alternately dismissed and reinstated. 

When the Abbe-Count Louis ended his nominal reign, 
the Duchess came to Neuchatel to succeed him. But 
Louis XIV supported the claims of Francis Louis de 
Bourbon, Prince of Conti, to whom the Abbe-Count 
had bequeathed Neuchatel by will. The Three Estates 
voted the sovereignty to the Duchess, but Conti had 
adherents, and the county was divided into two parties. 

In order to secure peace, Montmollin evolved the 
plan of making William of Orange Count of Neuchatel. 
William gave ear to the scheme and set forth his claims 
in a codicil to the treaty of Ryswick. Conti came 
himself to Neuchatel to encourage his adherents, but 
met with little success. There was a great dread lest 
the principality should become a French province, and 
when the Duchess hastened to Neuchatel she was 
received with delight and conducted in triumph to the 

With the death of the Duchess of Nemours, exiled 
by the King of France for withstanding his wishes re- 
garding the Prince of Conti, the Orleans-Longueville 
family, which had ruled Neuchatel well for two centuries, 
became extinct. It had strengthened the independence 
of the county as regarded foreign sovereignty ; it had 
increased the freedom of its citizens and its guilds ; a 
national feeling had been engendered, and the ties with 
Switzerland had been drawn closer. 

Thirteen claimants arose. The decision was left to 
the Three Estates, who, despite a patriotic party in 
favour of a republic, and of Neuchatel forming 


the fourteenth canton of Switzerland, adjudicated in 
favour of Frederic I, King of Prussia, through his 
mother the representative of the House of Orange- 

Count Metternich, Frederic's Ambassador, took the 
reciprocal oaths under the lime trees on the terrace by 
the church on the castle hill, and Frederic subsequently 
ratified the Articles Generaux. This was really a charter 
of constitution which assured to the county its civil 
and religious liberties. 

The Prussian Kings appointed governors to their 
principality, and themselves never set foot on its soil. 
The land was troubled with internal dissensions, civil 
and religious, and rivalries between capital and town- 
ship, the mountains and the vineland, especially during 
the reign of Frederic William. Soon after the acces- 
sion of Frederic the Great disaffection arose on 
account of his alteration of the system of collecting 
the revenues, the substitution of farming out the 
taxation instead of collecting in kind, that is to say, 
in grain and wine. This alteration ran directly counter 
to the Articles Generaux of 1707, and eventually led 
to serious trouble. 

When the Earl Marischall took over the governorship 
in 1754 the country was divided into chdtelleries, under 
chatellains, who may be described exercising the 
functions of justices of the peace, and into mairies. The 
villages had formed themselves into communes, acquir- 
ing land and forest in common. Every Neuchatelois 
was a member of some such commune. Social evolu- 
tion had gradually raised the lower classes up to that 
of the bourgeois, and decreased the difference between 
the latter and the nobility. But these sat in the 
Prince's Council of State, which gave them a political 


There was no legal administrative body ; the country 
lived under the law of precedent. The privileges of 
the Audiences Generates had passed to the tribunal of 
the Three Estates. This was composed of four nobles, 
who were also Councillors of State, four of the Prince's 
officers, and four citizens of the town of Neuchatel ; 
this body composed the supreme judicature and the 
legislature. The privileged order thus sat at the same 
time as members of the Three Estates, and of the 
Sovereign's Council. This position, as the Prince was 
far away, was very easy to exploit. But the character 
of the nation had from the first a tendency to liberty 
and equality. The people were content, but had begun 
to think for themselves in politics. 

The majority of the people belonged, as district 
citizens, to one of the four principal townships Neu- 
chatel, Valangin, Landeron, Boudry and, with the 
urban citizens, formed the Four Townships. The Neu- 
chatelois laid great store by their communal rights ; 
the first use a child made of his pen was to write, after 
his name in his school-book, the name of the township 
to which he belonged by birth. Each of these had 
its special armorial bearings. They administered local 
government, public instruction, civil jurisdiction, the 
police, and even the national militia. They had right of 
appeal to the Council of State, and even, in the last 
resort, to the Prince himself. 

Gradually the clergy, represented by the Compagnie 
des Pasteurs, had come to form, with the Four Townships, 
the Five Estates of the Realm, and had even assumed the 
first place. 

By the middle of the eighteenth century Neuchatel 
had produced men interesting themselves in science 
botany, meteorology, geology. In 1731 a professorship 
of philosophy and mathematics had been founded in 


the town. In theology, John Frederic Osterwald, for 
fifty years, by his eloquence and his writings, infused 
new life into a Calvinism which had lost its first zeal. 

Education made but little progress ; the schools 
were only open in the winter, and superstition was 
rife in the mountains and rural districts. Yet in the 
capital, and in the industrial localities in the mountains, 
manners and customs were improving. Except in 
Neuchatel, where the luxury of the period in dress and 
furniture had penetrated, life was simple. On the 
other hand, drunkenness was very prevalent, and an 
ill-advised Sabbatarianism, which forbade shooting com- 
petitions, quoits, and skittles on Sunday, led to disorder 
among the young men. 

Philanthropy was beginning to awaken, for the first 
time since the Reformation. Jean Jacques d'Allernand 
was a munificent benefactor to the cause of charity in 
the town. 

The hillmen began to leave their valleys and to travel 
abroad. The townsfolk became bitten with the taste 
for emigration which prevailed in other lands, and Jean 
Pierre Pury wished to found the town of Purisville in 
South Carolina. 

While agriculture remained much in the same old 
groove, trade spread and manufactures increased lace, 
watchmaking, pottery, printed calicoes, asphalt. 

In good truth little Neuchatel, in many ways, evinced 
a marked superiority over her great neighbours over 
France sunk in an effete despotism, over Italy still 
almost mediaeval, and even over Prussia, with serfs 
still tilling her soil, despite her enlightened but abso- 
lute rule. 


Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld. t London and Aylesbury. 

D Cuthell, Edith E 

285 The Scottish friend 

.8 of Frederic the Great